History of the One Hundred and Fifty-third Regiment Pennsylvania Volunteers Infantry which was ...

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HISTORY

OF THE

One Hundred and Fifty-third Regiment

Pennsylvania Volunteers Infantry

Which was Recniited in Northampton County, Pa.

1862-1863

» ,1 Written by

Rev. W. R. J^ef er, Historian

(One of the Miuicuuw)

Auuted by

Newton H. Mack

Secretary of the Regimenul AstocUdon

Eaitoa, Pemuyhranui
1909

PRfM Of

The Chemical Publishing Co.

Easton, Pa.

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HISTORY

OF THE

One Hundred and Fifty-third Regiment

Pennsylvania Volunteers Infantry

Which was Recniited in Northampton County, Pa.

1862-1863

Rev. W. R. j^efer, Historian

(One ol the MimcUm)

Aftiited by

Newton H. Mack

Secretary of the Regimental Astociation

Euton, Penntyhranui
1909

Pmm Of

The Chemical Publishing Co.

Eastom, Pa.

HISTORY

OF THE

One Hundred and Fifty-third Regiment

Pennsylvania Volunteers Infantry

Which was Recniited in Northampton County, Pa.

1862-1863

\li:Writlenby

Rev. W. R. j^efer, Historian

(One ol the MimcUm)

Attistod by

Newton H. Mack

Secretary of the Regimental Attociation

Euton, Penntyhranui
1909

Pmm Of

The Chemical Publishing Co.

Easton, Pa.

CREDIT

Many of the pictures in the volume are from negatives loaned
by Ethan Allen Weayef, son of Sergeant Wm. Henry Weaver
of Co. A. The ^fedrps bearing the imprint of the Century
Company are f rohi ' *'feattle and Leaders" published by them.
Others by the Freedman's Aid Society of the M. E. Church.
Geo. W. West, printer, of Easton, loaned us several cuts ; Bush
and Bull furnished the cut of the Soldiers' Monument in Easton.
Many others are from photos furnished by Newton H. Mack
from his gallery.

Much valuable assistance was rendered by General Frank
Reeder of Easton.

k ■

3

Dedicated

TO THE

Relatives

OF THE

Comrades

OP THE

Command

RESOLUTIONS

Resolutions of the Association of the One Hundred and
Fifty-third Regiment of the Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry:

At a Special meeting of the Association of the 153d Regi-
ment the following business was transacted:

The Secretary called the meeting to order, and stated the
object of the meeting.

To take into consideration the advisability of having a com-
plete History of our regiment, the 153d, written and published.
Where upon the following resolution was offered:

RESOLVED, — I. That it is the sense of this meeting of the members
of the organization of the 153d Regiment that we should have a more
complete history than has yet been published.

2. That having been duly elected as the Executive Committee of the
regiment, at its last reunion, June 5, 1907, and vested with the right to
select the time and place of the next reunion, we would call an early
meeting of the survivors of the regiment, and name June 6, 1908, as the
time and Nazareth as the place, at which meeting we will ask for the
authorization of the publication of the contemplated history.

3. As the State of Pennsylvania has made a special appropriation for
the purchase of 400 volumes of such histories as may be satisfactorily
written by Pennsylvania regiments, we recommend that our organiza-
tion avail itself of the offer of the Commonwealth at the earliest practi-
cable moment.

4. As Comrade Rev. W. R. Kiefer has by considerable labor, and
correspondence, procured a large amount of material relative to our his-
tory, we recommend him as historian of the work and gratefully commend
his voluntary research and will give him our assistance in the further
prosecution of the work, the matter of compensation to be left to the
Society in June, 1908. Approved. NOAH DIETRICH, President.

NEWTON H. MACK, Secretary.
Easton, Pa., Jan. 24, 1909.

At a meeting of the publishing Committee in Easton, Jan-
uary 9, 1909, the following resolution was passed:

RESOLVED, That the manuscript copy of the history of the 153d
Regiment, Penna. Volunteer Infantry, be submitted to the State Com-
mission for its examination with the view to its publication in book form,
in pursuance of the resolution of the Regimental Association dated June,
1908. NEWTON H. MACK, Secretary.

Easton, Pa., June 24, 1909.
W. R. KIEFER. Chairman.
GEO. W. RHOAD.
WM. F. RADER.

CONTENTS

Inceptive Chapter

Governor Curtin's Proclamation

Patriotism of Keystone State

Call to Arms — Bugle

Itinerary of the Regiment

Distinguished 153d Regiment

The Activities of Friday, ist

Chancellorsville Battle

Location of Eleventh Corps

Chancellorsville — Events of

Chancellorsville Battlefield

Hooker's Feint

The Fortified Rappahannock

Hooker's General Orders No. 49

What Hooker Pound

The Enemy's Story

The Wounding of Jackson

Account of Capt. Owen Rice

Causes of Hooker's Defeat

Extract: O. O. Howard

Why Lee Did Not Pursue

Three Days Battle of Gettysburg

Gettysburg— The First Day

Defenses on Cemetery Hill

That Memorable Second Day

Cemetery Hill, the Great Center

Honor to Whom Honor is Due

The Operations of the Third Day

Observations by the Historian

Following Lee's Retreat

Welcome Home — Reception

Colonel von Gilsa's Address

The Regimental Flag

Cemetery Hill

Generals* Testimonials

Narratives of the Comrades

Colonel Charles A. Glanz

Lieutenant Colonel Dachrodt

Letter from Major Frueauff

Account of Dr. Stout

Dr. J. P. K. Kohler

Quartermaster Knowles

Chaplain P. W. Melick

Captain Rice and Lieut. Shaum

Lieutenant Clyde Millar

Comrade Kiefer, Co. A.

Sergeant Wm. M. Shultz

Page

Page

I

6

8

II

13
19
20

24
27
28

29
31
33
34
35
42

45
46
47
49
53
55
72

79

85

88

90

100

107

108

109

III

112

"3
116
122
123
126
127
I3i
133
134
134
»37
»39
X44
U4

Sergeant Wm. Henry Weaver 146

J. L. Bocrstler, Co. A 158

Geo. Beers and Peter Herman 159

Rev. Geo. W. Roth, Co. C 161

Isaac E. Smith, Co. K 163

Comrade Theo. Keller 164

Rev. Anthony Straub 165

Edward Young 167

David Moll and Henry A. Miller .... 168
Comrades Hillpot and Theo. Miller.... 170

Captain Howell, Co. D 171

Letter from David Knauss 17a

Comrade Strickland 174

Levi F. Walters, Co. E 176

Lieutenant Beaver i8a

Sergeant Lantz 183

Sergts. E. J. Kiefer, Transue and

Romig 184

Geo. King, Co. F 186

W. H. Marsteller, Co. F 187

Wm. G. Tomer and John Kressler.... 188
Reuben Transue, Wm. H. Taylor .... 189
A. J. Benner and Men of Co. F .... 190

Experience of Comrade Ruch 192

The Badge of Welcome Home 228

Capt. Howard J. Reeder 230

Reminiscence — Lt. Moore 230

Items — Rev. Stryker Wallace 238

The Story of Wm. Armstrong 240

Comrade Hess, by Wallace 242

Theodore Hester 243

Capt. Young and Lt Crawford 244

Letter — Reuben Stotz 245

Recollections — L. B. Clewell 246

Captain Johnson 248

Lieutenant Dutott 249

L. Fraunfelter and John Rush 250

Brief Narratives by the Boys 256

Thomas Quinn — The Band 258

Thoughts on Memorial Day 258

.\ Patriot's Monument 260

Dedication of Monument 263

Wm. Beidelman's Address 265

Other Soldiers of the County 267

The Roster 271

The Editor's (Author's) Farewell 35a

ILLUSTRATIONS

Frontispiece — Battlefield Moniiment

Corporal Noah Dietrich

Rev. W. R. Kiefer, Historian

Abraham Lincoln

Winter Quarters of isjd Regt

Major-General Joseph Hooker

General Meade

General Reynolds

General Howard

General Slocum

Major-General Franz Sigel

Brevet Maj.-Gen. Adelbert Ames

Maj.-Gen. Carl Schurz

General Leopold von Gilsa

General Hancock

The Jennie Wade Home

List of Drummer Boys

Colonel Chas. Glanz

Lt Colonel Jacob Dachrodt

Chaplain PhUip W. Mclick

Major John F. FrueauflF

Adjutant Henry Evans

Dr. Abraham Stout, Asst Surg

Dr. Henry K. Ncff, Chief Surg. ...
Dr. John P. K. Kohler, Asst. Surg..

Sergt Maj. George G. Beam

Philip D. Wirebach, Quart. Sergt...

Quartermaster S. H. Knowles

Captain Owen Rice, Co. A

2d Lieut Clyde Millar, Co. A

I St Lieut Benj. F. Sbaum, Co. A

Band Leader Eugene Walter

Robt H. Wilson, Musician, Co. A....
Corporal Valentine Heller, Co. A . .
Sergeant Wm. M. Schultz, Co. A . .
Sergeant Wm. M. Schultz — wartime..
Sergeant Wm. H. Weaver, Co. A. . . .

Officers of the 153d Regiment

Captain Joseph A. Frey, Co. B

Page

IV

I
8
16
32
56
64
7a
74
76
76
76
80
92

04
08

23
26
28
28
28
31
31
31
34
34
34
37
37
37
40
40
40

46
52

6c

Page
60

Lieut Joseph T. Wilt, Co. B

Sergeant David Moll, Co. B x68

Henry Kuester, Co. B 168

Captain Theo. H. Howell, Co. D .... 171
Lieutenant Wm. H. Houser, Co. D .. 171

David Knauss, Co. D 17a

George Siegfried, Co. D 172

Lieutenant Wm. H. Beaver, Co. D.. 175
Curtis V. Strickland, Musician, Co. D 175

Captain John P. Ricker, Co. E 176

Lieutenant Paul Bachschmid, Co. E . . 176
Captain Lucius Q. Stout, Co. F .... 180

Lieut Henry Barnes, Co. F 180

Lieut Wm. Beidelman, Co. F 180

Sergeant Edward J. Kiefer, Co. F ... 184

Chas. M. Shivcly, Co. F 184

Wm. H. Taylor, Co. F 184

Abraham J. Benner, Co. F 188

Philip R. Halpin, Co. F 188

John Kressler, Co. F 188

Reuben F. Ruch, Co. F 19a

Captain Henry J. Ocrter, Co. C aoo

Lieut. Benj. F. Boyer, Co. C aoo

Lieut. Geo. H. Fritchman, Co. K . . . . ao4

Lieut. Laurence Dutott, Co. K 204

Captain Howard J. Reeder, Co. G .. 230

Lieut Jonathan Moore, Co. G 230

Lieut. Wm. Simmers, Co. G 243

Theo. Hester, Co. G 243

Captain George H. Young, Co. H . . 244
Lieut. George W. Walter, Co! H .... 244
Captain Joseph S. Myers, Co. I .... 246

Lieut Reuben J. Stotz, Co. I 246

Lieut Wm. H. Crawford, M. D.. Co. I 246

Captain Isaac Buzzard, Co. K 248

Captain Isaac L. Johnson, Co. K .... 248
The National Cemetery, Gettysburg.. 258
Newton H. Mack, Muskian, Co. K.. 272

INTRODUCTION

The task of writing the history of a regiment after the ex-
piration of more than forty years from the time of its muster-
out is far greater than many at first thought would imagine.
Many incidents of an instructive and entertaining nature must
of necessity be omitted, owing to the death of those who could
have vouched for the accuracy of the same.

In the preparation of the present work the historian labored
under many disadvantages ; at no time, however, did he manifest
discouragement, but faithfully and diligently toiled on deter-
mined to do his best. From the scant authentic material to
which he had access he has submitted to the survivors of the
regiment and their descendants a most truthful and valuable
history of the organization from the time of its formation to the
day of its muster-out, and justly deserves the \ thanks of all
its members.

WM. M. SHULTZ.

Officers of the Regimental Association

President — Noah Dietrich.

Vice President — Geo. W. Rhoad.

Secretary and Treasurer — Newton H. Mack.

Advisory Board

Lieutenant Colonel — Jacob Dachrodt.*

Sergeant — Wm. F. Rader.

First Lieutenant — Wm. H. Crawford, M. D.

Publishing Committee

APPOINTED JUNE 6, 1908.

Rev. Wm. R. Kiefer^ Chairnuin,

George W. Rhoad.

William F. Rader.

Newton H. Mack, Secretary and Treasurer,

* CoL Dachrodt died June 4, 1909.

Inceptive Chapter

HE historian of the regiment approaches the deHghtful
task of writing up the deeds of the soldiers of the
One Hundred and Fifty-third Regiment with peculiar
pride, and yet with feelings of sadness since the
worthiness of the comrades whose service he is to
record, and the honorable and heroic service they rendered their
country, deserve so much more commendation than he is com-
petent to bestow.

The service of our men was short: — but ten months, but in
some respects a more unique career was not found in the annals
of the Federal troops of the war. Though the term of enlist-
ment was under the call for nine months, the exigencies at the
time for the muster-out having come while on the road to the
battle field of Gettysburg, when the safety of our nation was
threatened, they cheerfully consented to remain and help decide
the destiny of our army and State.

Our regiment enlisted with those who shared the highest
honor of the nation in her defense. They came on the scene at
the time of the Proclamation of Lincoln read before the Cabinet,
on the 22d day of September, 1862, and saw Emancipation be-
come a fact on the ist of January, 1863. Standing in line of
duty they obeyed the most immortal moral edict known to any
nation. Henry the IV gave religious freedom to France ; Wash-
ington took the yoke of monarchy from three million Colonists,
but Lincoln caused the shackles to drop from the arms, intellects
and souls of about four millions of American citizens.

The fixed policy of Lincoln primarily was the preservation
of the Union, the dissolution of which was to him, (and to
every true American), the greatest calamity which could befall
the nation. The men who voluntarily composed the 153d Regi-
ment were as a reserve force, moved by the momentous issue in
the campaign which ended in the election of the gjeat Eman-

2, HISTORY OF THE IS3D REGT.

cipator to the Presidency. They had helped to elect him ; they
knew how he stood on the great moral question of human slavery ;
for largely the men were religious in practice or at least in pro-
clivity. Probably the majority had imbibed the anti-slavery sen-
timent which had become the burning sectional issue. Many
of them sealed their convictions with their blood on the sacred
5oil of Gettysburg.

The origin of the Civil War is well known, having been
^aphically and well related by many authors, but to g^ve our
forthcoming history proper setting the description of the part
that the One Hundred and Fifty-third Regiment took should be
accurately and faithfully prefaced by such antecedent history,
of the origin and causes that led up to the Rebellion, as will
properly introduce the record we are about to write. Neither
can brevity be employed in a work of such interest and perma-
nent value to the casual reader and military student. There is
no place for fiction in a work of this sort, where authenticity is
of such great value. The preservation of the Union ranks ^
among the great epochs of any nation or empire of the world.

The writer was eye-witness to two of the most pivotal cam-
paigns of the war — battles in which his Regiment fought —
having faithfully preserved in Diary form, a perfect itinerary
of the army, the movements and battles in which he, with his
regiment participated, and of such incidents as occurred during
the term of enlistment, which extended from September 22,
1862, to July 24, 1863.

In writing up the history and deeds of heroism of one thousand
men the historian faces a most difficult and laborious task.
First, for want of the detailed and perfect reports by com-
manders respectively; Second, for want of narratives from the
different Companies, by comrades of them respectively, so as to
spread the interest of the individual over the larger field of
reminiscent record.

As the historian is fully aware that it is not in keeping with
the work committed to him to write up matters in which the 1 53d

INCEPTIVE CHAPTER 3

Regiment had no part, nevertheless, he feels it imperative to
relate such parts of the general engagement with which his regi-
ment was associated, that a clearer view may be obtained of the
achievements of the regiment itself.

To one not acquainted with the philosophy of military his-
tory, divergent and often contradictory records have the sem-
blance of positive falsifications; but with the candid reader
authenticity is not determined alone by the reports of individual
observations of witnesses who occupied different positions and
view points of the same general engagements. A great battle
over long and complicated lines over ground of varied configura-
tion and many natural impediments, and, as is sometimes the
case, fought at night, cannot be faithfully and accurately de-
scribed by any one man; but must depend on the reports of
many.

The true historian gathers facts from every source, even
from the enemy who can often furnish valuable information.
It is our own good fortune that the Reports of both sides are
accessible from the published Records of the Government.

Many of the histories which came under the observation of
the writer, while affording valuable data respecting the move-
ments, battles and issues of the campaign, have been so heavily
tainted with odium cast upon certain officers; others of them
written in such partisan style; that the accounts given by them
must of necessity be omitted if the peculiar narrative the histor-
ian is expected to present to the greatly diversified readers of
the book, is to meet general acceptance. Often incidents occur
in the numerous diaries, presented by the friends of comrades
which contain personal matters which would not be pleasant
reading by surviving friends. We have, therefore, eliminated
much that would otherwise have added relish to the stories.

Nothing is so vital and interesting to the friends of the veter-
ans as the relation of scenes of a battle, and yet many of the
horrors of the battle field if related in all their true vividness
would be most harrowing to those friends who mourned the loss

4 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

of dear ones, and from whom there comes but the lone,
sad report — ^buried with the **Unknown."

Any attempt at depicting the timely retreat of the Eleventh
Corps, on the fateful Second of May at Chancellorsville, would
be a mere wasting of words. The battle which was overtaken
with darkness must for all time to come remain shrouded in
confusion worse confounded. Both armies became entangled
in the wilderness as the darkness covered the scene. About 500
of the 700 men of the 153d Regiment that were in line at the
opening of the battle at 5.30 p. m., were widely scattered in
the dense woods ; many of them did not find their command until
the next day. About 300 of them were rallied before midnight
near the Chancellorsville House. The pursuing rebels were
equally confused and scattered, one of the divisions having lost
all organization in their mad rush. The scenes of that weird,
trackless, forest were truly appalling. The roar of cannon, and
bursting shell, crackling of broken boughs, the rattle of musketry,
and the shouts and yells of men, mingled with the groans of
the dying made the awful night hideous.

No part of the army engaged in the Nation's defense deserves
more of the commendation of their countrymen and to hold a
warmer place in the memory of the future generations, than our
own Northampton County Regiment.

The stirring times incident to the enlistment and departure
of our boys to the war, is still fresh in the memory of many
living, while the vast majority of those then alive have long
since departed this life.

A nobler and more soldierly body of men did not go out to
defend the Union. The Officers proved themselves leaders who
won the esteem of the men whom thev commanded.

The 153d was composed in large part of young men. They
were chiefly of the fanning class, yet many of them were
mechanics and professional men. Loyalty to the Union was their
watchword as they marched under the Stars and Stripes on that

INCEPTIVE CHAPTER 5

ever memorable September day. How well they acquitted
themselves on the field of battle we confidently hope their pub-
lished history will fully show. Many of them were descendants
of the patriots of the Revolution, and the spirit of "76'' stirred
their Teutonic blood. They were true sons and ready for the
heroic service of the hour — the auspicious period in the prog-
ress of the war.

The troops of the eastern portion of the Keystone State were
noted for bravery in Colonial days. In the storming of Stony
Point — ^the most daring strategic military movement of the Revo-
lution — the two officers who led the 20 picked men under Wayne,
were Gibbon and Knox, both Pennsylvanians. The hero Gen-
eral of the Assault, was also a native of the State of our pride.
Colonel Hays and Colonel Febiger who led the forlorn hope
were natives of our State. The writer's grandsire, a Sergeant
and a native of old Northampton, died in the battle of Long
Island.

There were noble men in our organization who were hindered
by force of circumstances from taking part with us. Our sym-
pathy for them is the deeper since we know how well they would
have assisted in the defense of home and native land. Our
men had the honor of belonging to a State than which none in
the Union had more to fight for. The Keystone State had
become the pivotal one of the nation. Its protection was
fraught with incalculable consequences. What transcendent
honor that the high water mark of the Rebellion should be
reached in our gjand old Commonwealth, and that so many of
her noble sons should have been permitted to cast the fatal dart
at the tottering "Lost Cause."

It is the higher honor that our boys did not enlist in a war
of aggression, or grasp of empire, but for a great and pure
cause. For this their deeds will ever stand out in bold relief
on the page of history, be an enduring legacy to all their pos-
terity, and live long in the memory of their grateful country.
Their gallant impulses, resulting in glorious achievements, have

6 HISTORY OF THE 153D REGT.

contributed a noble part in the restoration of the Union upon a
perpetual basis of national peace.

Of all the soldiers of the eastern part of the State, our regi-
ment was the only organization that was wholly composed of
Northampton men.

Proclamation of Oovemor Curtin.

C. P. Buckingham, Brigadier General and Assistant Adjutant
General, Dispatched Governor Curtin July 7, 1862, asking him
to raise twenty-one Regiments as early as possible, in order to
fill the quota required by the President. The Proclamation issued
by the Governor is as follows :

*'To sustain the government in times of common peril by all his
energies, his means, and his life, if need be, is the duty of every loyal
citizen. The President of the United States has made a requisition on
Pennsylvania for twenty-one new regiments, and the regiments already in
the field must be recruited. Enlistments will be made for nine months in the
new regiments and for twelve in the old. The existence of the present
emergency is well understood. I call on the inhabitants of the counties,
cities, boroughs and townships throughout our borders to meet and take
active measures for the immediate furnishing of the quota of the State.
I designate below the number of companies which are expected from the
several counties in the State, trusting the support of her honor in this
crisis, as it may be safely trusted, to the loyalty, fidelity and valor of her
freemen.

Given under my hand and the Great Seal of the State, at Harrisburg,
this 21 St day of July, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred
and sixty-two, and of the Commonwealth the eighty-second.

By the Governor: A. G. CURTIN.

ELI SLIFER, Secretary of the Commonwealth"

PROCLAMATION OF GOVERNOR CURTIN J

I

The President's call Response

April 15, 1861 75»ooo 3 months 93.3^6

May 3. 1861 82,748

July 22 and 25, 1861 500,000 3 years 714.231

May and June, 1862 15,007

July 2, 1862 300,000 3 years 431,958

August 4, 1862 300,000 9 months 87,588

June 15, 1863 100,000 6 months 16,361

October 17, 1863 300,000 2 years

February i, 1864 200,000 2 years 374,807

March 14, 1864 200,000 3 years 284,021

April 23, 1864 85,000 100 days 83,652^

July 18, 1864 500,000 I, 2, 3 years 384,882

December 19, 1864 300,000 i, 2, 3 years 204,568

Total 2,942,748 2,690401

Once this vast army moved about over the wide arena of bat-
tle like waving grain over a great harvest field ready for the
reaper. The panorama of those mighty surging columns abides
real as life to those who were participants in the great national
conflict or those who are still living under the shadow of sor-
row over the untimely death of a beloved one in the distant
battle field long years ago.

In the Pension Building, Washington, in Sculpture design is
shown the marching columns of the men in blue as real as in the
days we bore arms in the defense of the Union. Those en-
graved, familiar scenes speak more eloquently than the sabried
friezes of the Parthenon in Athens, or the Pantheon of Rome,,
which is dedicated to all the gods. With lavish art are here
pictured the brave defenders of the nation for the study and in-^
spiration of the soldiers of all coming generations.

All language is lame, and the most eloquent description of
demonstrations of rejoicing over the victory fall sfiort of de-
picting the emotions of the men when they saw and heard that
their side had won the day. Even amid the din, and strife of

8 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

battle, with the ground strewn with the dead and dying the most
enthusiastic and hilarious shouts rent the air. Any one standing
listening on a distant point of the extended field could dis-
tinguish by the peculiar huzzas which side was winning, and
which ensign would continue to wave over the bloody scenes.

The Patriotism of the Keystone State.

In nothing can a State show her loyalty more than in her
votes for a presidential candidate who has issued his proclama-
tion that he will stand by the Government. Lincoln came to
the throne at the most critical hour of the Nation. In a table
showing the aggregate votes by States in i860 and 1864, we
note the following figures :

Out of 25 states then casting their votes the three largest
have been selected for comparison :

Ohio, 1864, cast 470,745

Ohio, i860, cast 442,441, showing an increase of 28,304

Pennsylvania, 1864, cast 572,697,

Pennsylvania, i860, cast 476,442, showing an increase of 96,255

New York, 1864, cast 730,664,

New York, i860, cast 675,156, showing an increase of 55,508

Thus showing an increase over Ohio of 67,951

Thus showing an increase over New York of 40,747

Total of both States 108,698

Pennsylvania increase 96,255

Pennsylvania increase over both 12.443

As if the above figures of comparison were not sufficiently
astonishing what will be thought of the patriotism indicated in
the following superb showing:

THE PATRIOTISM OF THE KEYSTONE STATE 9

The total number of votes cast for the war President in 1864

footed up to the enormous figure of 4*015,773

Total in i860 3,870,222

Total majority of the 2nd election over the ist I45»55i

Of this majority our gallant old State cast 96,255

Leaving the small remnant to the credit of all the rest 49,296

Can there be any stronger reason why she is called the "Key-
stone ?"

As a seal of their integrity 22,000 of her brave men were
in the great battle in their native State — Gettysburg. The
names of all the comrades of the 153d Regiment who were in
this world famed battle will be inscribed on the noble cenotaph
now in course of erection on those sacred grounds. For this
object the War Department has comphed with the re-
quest of the Battle Field Commission and has furnished a per-
fect roll of all participants of our Regiment.

Immortal significance is attached to the words of the lamented
Lincoln in his speech at his second inaugural, "Fondly do we
hope, fervently do we pray that the mighty scourge of war may
speedily pass away;" and by the great sacrifice they (our sol-
diers) made furnished the subject matter of the most unique
memorial address ever delivered over the graves of heroes.
The Classics of two thousand years had not been so highly en-
riched before the addition of the Gettysburg Speech of the
martyr Lincoln.

Our regiment enlisted and went to the front at a time when
varied conflicts had left the majority of successes on the confed-
erate side. The Proclamation issued by the President left no more
doubt in the mind of the south and their sympathizers as to the
ultimate success of the slave cause, if their victories at arms con-
tinued in ratio as in the past.

The success of the Army of the Potomac was not secured to
the entire satisfaction of the Government, and changes of com-

10 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

manders occurred in rapid succession. The second battle of
Bull Run (on the 30th of Augnst, 1862) was lost but the troops
two days afterwards, under Hooker, Reno and Kemey, after
a fierce and short engagement, defeated the enemy. On the 7th,
(September, 1862) General McLellan was appointed to the com-
mand of the Army of the Potomac and on the 5th of November,
after two months service, was relieved in favor of Bumside.
Bumside served two months and twenty three days, and on the
28th of January retired, and General Joseph Hooker was placed
in command. The term of Hooker was also short (just five
months), when on the 27th of June General George G. Meade
was placed in command. Thus four great generals were in
command of the Army of the Potomac within the short space
from September 7, 1862, to June 2^, 1863. It is a fact worthy
of note that the 153d Regiment had the distinguished honor of
rendering its time of service with the Army of the Potomac under
every General who commanded it ; E. A. Weaver, of Philadelphia,
a gentleman of accredited ability as a student of military affairs,
a son of a veteran and a contributor to the reminiscent department
of our history, referring to the service of the regiment, makes the
following observation: That *'in the ten months the regiment
was in service, it served under every commander of the army of
the Potomac, and in the campaigns at Chancellorsville and
Gettysburg, its position was unique, and its services at both
places of great importance considered from a military stand-
point."

The position occupied by our regiment, on this famous and
most brilliant battle field of the war, seems truly Providential; be-
ing at least one of the most remarkable coincidences that our
Northampton Regiment, the brave sons of the Keystone State,
under the command of the State's celebrated Chiefs — Meade, Rey-
nolds, Hancock and others, should take so conspicuous a part on
their native soil, in turning back the formidable commands of
the flower of the southern army, led by the greatest chieftains of
their cause. Of no small significance is the fact also that Gen-
eral Doubleday, one of the ablest commanders on the field, should

THE PATRIOTISM OF THE KEYSTONE STATE II

have aimed the first gfun in the defense of Fort Sumpter, and
should be the first to stand in the breach on the first day's

ferocious attack by the rebel forces after the death of the
lamented Reynolds.

The mortification and depression which had so greatly seized
our troops over the defeats of Fredericksburg and Chancellorsvilie
was forgotten in the great joy over the glorious victory of Gettys-

12 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

burg. This was the proudest act of their entire experience while
in the service. The consciousness of having remained a month
beyond their term of enlistment, and having fought for their
loved ones and homes with such enduring results, and the enobling
emotions, in anticipation of soon meeting those dear ones again
around the old fireside, were beyond the power of words to
describe.

Our regiment had waited to see what would come of the war,
and when the crucial period arrived their response to the nation's
call in the perilous hour was with such promptitude as to become
astonishing to the citizens of the county, and gained for the
Northampton men the warm commendation of the authorities of
the State. The enthusiasm of the officers was unbounded. Those
were memorable days ; greater patriotism and general excitement
had never been known in the County. The war was the all ab-
sorbing theme of conversation at home, in places of business and
in the churches. Newspapers were read with great avidity, and
letters, from soldiers who had preceded us in the field were read
and re-read with much eagerness. Mothers sat up until late
hours of the night to hear the last news from the seat of war.

On account of your fatiguing marches, dark nights of lying
in sleet and drifting snow, in loneliness of the woods, or walk-
ing your dismal beat within hearing of the vigilant foe, or fac-
ing the cold steel of the defiant enemy, or amid the hail of
minies or beneath bursting shell whose fragments killed com-
rades by your side, we chronicle the following words for your
comfort :

"The memorial art, in the preservation of scenic and historic objects
of the Rebellion, will continue to erect appropriate and imposing sculp-
ture, while with reverence the passing generations will pause long and
pensively to read the inscriptions of the monuments our grateful country
has erected to the memory of its heroic dead. Those grounds which you
trod on those memorable hot days of July, and which were hallowed by
the blood of your fallen brothers, are already listed with the classics in
monumental literature, and will forever remain consecrated by the ashes

THE ITINERARY OF THE REGIMENT I3

of your comrades who sleep in the soil they stained with their blood, while
dying for the preservation of their own and our beloved country."

As many comrades witnessed the fearful scenes of which your
historian has so unworthily written, we most cheerfully accord
to them a large space for the relation of the story they have to
tell.

The Itinerary of the Begiment.

**In Lieu of a Draft" was printed on the knapsacks of the
boys of the new Regiment just organized in old Northampton.
August 4, 1862. The Order of the War Department was read
all over the land: "That a Draft of 300,000 militia be im-
mediately called into service of the United States, to serve for
nine months unless sooner discharged. The Secretary of War
will assign the quotas to the States and establish regulations
for the draft.

If any State shall not by the 15th of August furnish its quota
of the additional 300,000 volunteers authorized by law the de-
ficiency of volunteers in that State will also be made up by
special draft from the militia. The draft for 300,000 militia
called for will be made Sept. 3d.

Washington, D. C, August 4, 1862."

Hence the Call to Arms. Governors of most of the loyal
states in the 2d year of the war seeing that the losses in the
army where the earliest activities had been going on, and know-
ing the feeling of the people on the necessity of a more de-
termined effort to crush the haughty South, hastily in formal
communications requested the President to issue an appeal to
the states for the recruiting of more men for suppression of
the Rebellion.

The quota of Pennsylvania was 45.321. The men in various
sections of the County had been in training in a private way for a
long time. The writer attended numerous gatherings where

14 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT,

drill in arms was conducted. Sermons were preached. The
air was permeated with war news. It was quite natural the dis-
ciplined men should be among the first to enlist. These meet-
ings greatly stimulated enthusiasm, resulting in the formation
of thirteen companies instead of ten. These Companies were
not all full, so that on arrival at Harrisburg suitable adjustments
were made and resulted in the complement of lOO men to each
Company. The Roster, furnished by Comrade N. H, Mack,

of Bethlehem, will show the assignments and official list com-
plete. The first meeting for organization of the Regiment took
place in Easton on the 22d of September, 1862. The days of
the 23d and 24th were spent in the City of Easton in complet-
ing the formation, and on the Z5th we took train for Harris-
burg where the regiment arrived at 10 o'clock in the evening,
remaining in the cars for the night. On the morning of the 26th

THE ITINERARY OF THE REGIMENT 15

we marched to the camp and had our first experience in the
erection of Soldiers' Tents. It may interest the sentimental, and
will be remembered by the christians of the regiment that the
first evening after our settlement there was a public prayer
meeting held in front of Company "F'*. The meeting consisted
of the reading of the 91st Psalm, prayer, singing, and dismis-
sion.

Our stay at Harrisburg oflFered excellent opportunities for the
exercise of camp life, so necessary to health and enjoyment.
We soon became inured to the restraint of army discipline, and
eagerly sought the equipment necessary for service. We were
not long improvising methods and devices for the employment of
time. Those familiar with the art of writing domestic letters
found ample employment, and were sought by those of the regi-
ment who had not had training in this department of an active
life; artists did sketching; poets wrote poems; journalists kept
diaries; tailoring, plain sewing, darning, etc., had not yet re-
quired attention. Washday was indefinitely deferred. Some had
brought with them text books for College preparatory work;
some had Institutes of theology; Usually there was an accumu-
lation of enough books to fit out a small library. The desire for
pastime was early gratified, having ample room for its exercise.
Among the great variety were those who could not quit the
habits of home life, and there were many noble instances of the
practice of moral principles in the ranks of the men. It was
also sad to witness the decline of the religious fervor of some
who before coming to the army had been men of fine christian
character at home.

Another perplexing item had to be disposed of about the
time of our seemingly useless detention in camp. It was the
delay of getting the promised bounty. The committee had really
no authority to pay the money until the men were mustered into
the service. In the settlement of the difficulty the kindly in-
fluence of the great-hearted Colonel Glanz interposed, and set-
tlement was promptly made.

l6 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

At the muster-in and equipment of the men, with uniforms and
other outfit (barrel drams and iron swords for the drummers)
the full fledged soldier bloomed out for service at the front.
Orders for moving had been received and necessary prepara-
tions made to march when the first installment of the many
countermands was received. We were obliged to spend another
week in Camp Curtin. The last sermon some of us had heard
on the Sabbath evening before our departure was based upon
the text, "I have fought a good fight;" the first sermon we en-
joyed in Camp Curtin was on the same text. They were very
inspiring discourses, but would have been of more literal appli-
cation if they had been preached to the boys after the two nota-
ble battles in which they participated.

The muster-in of the regiment occurred on October 7th, and
our equipment at the arsenal on the nth, whereupon we boarded
the cars where we spent parts of two days and a night impatient-
ly waiting to move, but to our dissatisfaction returned to the
old camp for another week. On the i8th of October we left
for Baltimore, arriving there in the evening and were served
with a substantial meal. Slept in the Railroad Station and on
the 19th went to Washington where we arrived at 8 p. m.
Crossed Long Bridge and encamped at Camp Seward on the
next day. While in Camp Barker, we received information
concerning our assignment to the nth Corps, and removed
to Camp near Fort Meigs, where on the 30th the command
joined the Corps of General Sigel, reporting to him at Gaines-
ville, Va., where the Corps was lying at the time, on the 4th
of November. We left Gainesville on the 9th of November and
reached Aldie from where we marched to Chantilly arriving
there on the evening of the 18th. Here we spent twenty-two
days made blithesome by our new band. The places we next
camped at were Fairfax and Stafford Court House. The "star-
vation" period at Stafford and the "mud march" from Fairfax
to Stafford are events that cannot be forgotten. Our next move
was on the i8th, when we went about two miles to a position in
the woods near Accakeek Creek, some of the men going on

u

if

Si-
ll

THE ITINERARY OF THE REGIMENT 17

picket duty. On the 20th marched to Brooks Station and en-
camped in a woods. Men were guarding the Railroad. The

h

n
i

I

I

Regiment finally settled in its winter quarters at Potomac Creek
Bridge. Here wc spent the memorable winter of the campaign
of 1862-.3. The Camp is more familiarly called "Brooks Sta-

l8 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

tion." Much sickness and numbers of deaths occurred during
the four months of our stay here.

With the opening of spring we set out with Hooker for the
famous battle field of Chancellorsville. March 27th, the troops,
which had been in Camp here for the winter, started for Kelley's
Ford which we crossed on the night of the 28th.

The Comrades who have contributed to the history have re-
lated sufficient narrative matter to interest the reader, so that
there seems no reason for further historic data on itinerary.

An Interesting Item of the Itinerary.

The following incidents of the itinerary of the regfiment giv-
ing the places where the command halted and the time spent at
each place will be of gjeat interest to the comrade by way of
comparison with the diary kept by so large a number of the
boys.

The days spent were : At Easton, 3 ; Camp Curtin, 18 ; Balti-
more, i; Washington and forts. 16; Manassas Junction, i;
Gainesville, 4 ; Aldie, 9 ; Chantilly, 22 ; Stafford Court House, 2 ;
Dumfriez, 2; Camp near Brooks Station, 134; these days foot
to 212. The time required to fill the 300 days of the term of en-
listment begins with the 27th of April and ends with July 24th,
when the muster-out occurred.

THE DISTINGUISHED 153D REGIMENT I9

The Distinguished 153d Begiment.

The position assigned the 153d Regiment at Chancellorsville
was the most unique of all the organizations in line. It was a
lone kid before a crouching lion. As indicated on a State Map
its formation was somewhat in shape of a semi-circle, in which
form it presented three fronts of the three strong enveloping

lines of Jackson's attack. The only favorable conditions for the
formation of either army were afforded by the turnpike and plank
roads, and on these the Federal army was mainly posted. These
leading thoroughfares were the only means for the movements
of artillery and cavalry, excepting the occasional field by the road
side. The line of the enemy's attacking forces extended one
mile either side of the turnpike on which the Eleventh Corps
was aligned, but in their impetuous rush upon our regiment the
rebel troops soon lost all organization and mainly poured down
the roads like wild beasts before a forest fire. It is of equal
importance to note that our regiment was not only the first at-
tacked, but is shown on the military maps as among the last
troops to retire from the scene as Hooker's troops recrossed the
swelling Rappahannock. It is also remarkably true that we were
among the first troops to meet Early in the first day's fight at
Gettysburg, and among the last posted on Cemetery Hill, on the
retreat of the Confederate army. From the best evidence at-
tainable we take special pride to state that our men were among
the first and most courageous troops to attempt a rally of the
fleeing crowd before the avalanche on the memorable 2d of May,
having been the last regiment to retreat from the line when
attacked by Jackson's mighty army which was closing in upon
our defenseless men like the arms of a huge cuttle-fish. To
the everlasting memory of the quick, vehement command of
the brave von-Gilsa our heroic 700 boys would have become
boarders at the hotel-de Libby at the metropolis of the Confed-
eracy.

The spread of the Jackson troops so far north (as they came
in upon us) was to prevent the retreat of our army towards

20 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

the Fords; for it was part of his plan to get possession of
these crossings.

The Activities of Friday^ Hay Ist.

Quoting from the diary of the writer the following appears:
''Friday, May ist, 9 a. m., started out of camp in the direction of
Fredericksburg. Ordered to fall back and go west of camp along
the turnpike. About 5 p. m. or a little later a battle commenced
as nearly as I could tell about 8 miles west of Fredericksburg.
It commenced with musketry, soon, in half an hour artillery, then
tremendous cannonading till dusk. Still firing at 8 p. m.

Saturday 2d, lay on arms all night, slept in woods. Firing
commenced early this morning. Heavy cannonading, toward
Fredericksburg, and south of us all day, more or less. Attack
expected at several places. The 153d did the first firing, at 2
or 4 p. m. The ist Brigade was the first attacked. A fine day."

A few hours before the attack by Jackson's men, and while our
men were resting on arms, in expectation of attack, I was sitting
near the trunk of a large tree, under a canvas stretched for pro-
tection from the sun, engaged in writing a poem. I here pro-
duce the poem by way of confirmation of the more detailed ac-
count given by Simmers and Bachschmid in their book published
in the year 1863.

The noise of distant cannonading, and the skirmishing along our
south line during the entire day, and the activities which had been
going on during most of the hours we were in the woods hourly
expecting the engagement to come on, had put every man in a
pensive mood. It is always a serious time on the eve of a battle,
and very properly so. It is of peculiar interest that so many
writers have spoken of the mildness and calm of that memorable
Saturday morning. The atmosphere was balmy and not a leaf
stirred. Supreme quiet reigned in the region where our regiment
was in line. The men had just stacked the arms upon which they

THE ACTIVITIES OF FRIDAY, MAY 1ST 21

had lain the night before. It was drawing toward the hour for
the evening meal, and some of us were preparing it.

The writers above mentioned, whose account the poem certi-
fies, say :

"There was nothing to disturb the stillness of the night. The sun rose
brilliantly on the ist of May, and, having sufficiently recovered from hard-
ships of the previous days, the men were in the best of spirits. The con-
gratulatory order of Major-General Hooker, which was received at an
early hour, and in which he promised his troops such an easy victory, was
calculated to increase this buoyancy of spirits still more. All felt con-
fident of success; the fate of Fredericksburg was considered sealed, no
one dreamed of a reverse. At ii o'clock a. m. the booming of cannon on
our right told us that the struggle had commenced. The numerous aids
that were seen hurr>'ing to and fro reminded us of the fact that the time
of inactivity was passed, and that the time of activity had arrived.

About noon orders were received to strike tents, pack knapsacks, and
to be ready to march at any moment. The order was at once complied
with, in twenty minutes had formed into line, and was just on the point
of leaving when our movement was countermanded — we were to remain
until further orders. The bands of the returning regiments were play-
ing 'Yankee Doodle,' while everybody considered the victory already
achieved. The prevailing belief was that Hooker's strategical move-
ment had obliged the Confederates to evacuate Fredericksburg, and that
the firing heard was that of the fleeing columns. Strange delusion !

Half an hour after this we were again in motion and continued in mo-
tion with but few interruptions until nearly midnight. Where the emer-
gency seemed to require our presence there we were. About the middle
of the afternoon heavy firing was heard in the rear, while toward evening
it had shifted more to our immediate left. The enemy was evidently
'feeling* our position. However, the day and evening passed without
our being called upon to participate in the fiery ordeal . This was reserved
for us until the following day. It was nearly midnight, when having
occupied a position in the woods facing northwest, we were permitted to
lie down. At daybreak everybody was *up and doing.' Our slender
meal was soon dispatched. It was a lovely morning. Old Sol seemed
to have put on his holiday robe, while peace and the deepest silence reign-

22 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

ed around us. A calm usually precedes a storm. It having meanwhile
been decided that we should hold our position, large fatigue parties were
detailed to clear a small space in front of our lines. And more willing
hands never wielded an axe than our boys did on that memorable day.
The trees were soon felled and distributed in such manner as to seriously
impede the progress of the enemy should they attempt to attack us. The
balance of the forenoon was spent in comparative inactivity. The
numerous scouts and aides that were continually leaving our lines, in-
variably reported 'all right in the front/ on their return. That all was
not right in front the sequel will show. At about i o'clock p. m. three
shots were fired immediately in our front. These were the enemy's
scouts, sent out to sound our position. The report of the discharged
pieces had hardly died away, when, by some fatality the enemy's fire was
answered by a tremendous volley from our lines. This deplorable mis-
take furnished the enemy precisely the information they had wished to
obtain. It disclosed to them our true position and informed them of our
strength.

A party of skirmishers, composed of men from the different regiments
of the brigade, under command of Captain Owen Rice, were at once
thrown forward, and such other precautionary measures taken as the
exigency seemed to demand. The men rested on their arms, nor was
any one permitted to quit his post. For an hour or two, everything re-
mained quiet.

At about half past four o'clock a party of the 45th New York Volun-
teers came running in, reporting that the enemy was massing in front.
Every one was now on the qui vive. That mischief was brewing became
momentarily more apparent. Firing at front which at first was only
heard at long intervals, became now more frequent and was evidently
nearing. That our skirmishers were being driven back could be doubted
no longer. In a few minutes more they were in full sight, still retreat-
ing, though obstinately contesting every foot of ground."

The above quotation sufficiently corresponds with the writer's
own observations in every essential respect and has justified its
use in narrative. The value of these two accounts will be greatly
increased when it is borne in mind that the incidents here related
were written upon the ground of their occurrence. The writers
of the quotations and the historian of this history had no ac-

WRITTEN JUST BEFORE THE BATTLE 23

quaintance either in the army or afterwards. The following is
the poem just as then composed by the writer :

Written Just Before the Battle by W. B. Eiefer.

Both lovely and calm is the morning,

That now finds us silently here;
Though sleepless we lay till the dawning,

To watch lest the foe should appear.
Though in danger with enemies around us,

'Midst conflicts that just took an end,
We calmly returned to this ambush

And pickets to stations did send.
Commanded by brave-hearted leaders,

We stopped not to doubt of success;
But soldier-like march out to meet those

Who sought our ranks to suppress.
I look upon all that surrounds me —

I see that more danger is nigh:
That thousands of armed men await us.

And scores of us shortly will die.
The sorrows that now swell each bosom,

Are not to be visibly seen;
But one thing doth truly assure me,

That all are so calm and serene.
By waiting the future oft tells us

Of solemn events yet unseen ;
But O, how inquiringly anxious

To know who shall fall in the scene.
Though grave may be each one's expression.

And seemingly pious be found,
With great lamentation for error

Will many a bosom abound.
Not riches nor friends can relieve them,

When death shall their bodies embrace,
Much less can the worldling deprive them

If Jesus should grant them His grace.

24 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

Chancellonville Battle.

Through captured letters and general newspaper reports the
Confederates learned early that it was Hooker's plan on the ap-
proach of spring and the season of passable roads to disturb Lee's
twenty-five miles of entrenchments on the south bank of the
Rappahannock river. The vigilant Stuart, who, learning of the
massing of our troops on the crossing of Kelley*s Ford,
rode in great haste to the vicinity of Fredericksburg on the night
of Thursday, April 30th, and on Friday morning about 9 o'clock
our Regiment started eastward towards the Chancellorsville
House. Some time after noon we were ordered back again and
posted some distance back of where we had first halted. Here
our men immediately began the clearing of the wood, and con-
tinued slashing trees and building barricade early Saturday morn-
ing. I distinctly heard firing late on the afternoon of Friday. The
cannonading continued until dusk and still continued until 8
o'clock. Our men slept on arms on the night of the ist. Firing
continued. While we were occupying this position there was con-
stant firing south of us with little cessation all day Saturday and
our men were in constant expectation of getting into engagement.
So much for the diary. Here is the actual history of the noise
of battle at the time. Birney says : "At 2 p. m. April 30th, I re-
ceived orders from the major-general commanding the Corps (3d
Corps) to march my division to the United States Ford, and
cross it by 7.30 a. m. next day, taking care to move through the
ravines, concealing my troops from the enemy. I reached Hamet's
on the Warrenton turnpike, at about 11.30 p. m., and bivouaced.
The march was resumed on May ist, at 5.30 a. m., crossing the
bridges at the United States Ford at 7.30 a. m., and reaching a
point near Chancellorsville at about 11 a. m." "At i p. m."
(Friday) Birney continues, "under orders from Major-General
Sickles I sent Graham's brigade and TurnbulFs battery to Dow-
dairs Tavern to take position." (Here occurred the little episode
between Howard and Birney growing out of a misunderstanding
of relief coming to Howard).

To connect the story we continue the report of Birney: "At

CUANCELLORSVILLE BATTLE 25

5 p. m. the enemy attacking Slocum's front, I took position behind
the Chancellorsville House, with Ward's and Hajman's bri-
gades, and sent to the (Dowdall) tavern for Graham to return.
When Graham's brigade reported, a position was assigned to it
in support of one of General Slocum's batteries, and it was sub-
jected to a heavy and well directed artillery fire without the power
to return. With Ward's and Hayman's brigades I marched up the
plank road toward Dowdall's Tavern, and meeting Generals Wil-

Dowil«ir> T««™. How

PlODIB

liams and Knipe, of Slocum's command, and finding the right of
their line weak, bivouaced my two brigades in its rear."

Here occurred the incident of Birney trying a few shots at
Jackson's army passing within a mile of the front in his westerly
course to gain our rear. This was 8 o'clock on Saturday morn-
ing, showing that the movement of Jackson's army got an early
start for the detour of fifteen miles. Birney says: "At 12 m.
of May 2d, I received orders from Major-General Sickles to
follow the enemy, pierce the column and gain possession of the
road over which it was passing. In keeping with this order the
following troops hurried off to overtake the 'retreating' rebels:

26 HISTORY OF THE 153D REGT.

Colonel Bedan's sharp-shooters, Hayman's brigade, Graham's bri-
gade, and Ward's brigade, TurnbuU's battery. General Whipple's
division, and a brigade of the 12th corps. Barlow's brigade (taken
from the nth corps) the 20th Indiana and the 5th Michigan. One
hundred and eighty prisoners were captured." Birney, like the rest
of the commanders, believed the enemy retreating, as is indi-
cated by the following language : "At about 6.30 p. m. I received
orders from Captain Alexander Moore, of Major-General Hook-
er's staff, to advance rapidly, which I did, taking the road, and
placing Randolf's battery, which I had ordered up, in position,
poured a well directed fire on the 'retreating' column of the
enemy."

According to the reports of the rebels themselves they were
quite disturbed in their march near the Furnace. Every by-path
and wood road was occupied with Jackson's fighting train. It
made a long procession. The head of it came up to our rear as
early as three o'clock in the afternoon, but much of it, especially
the rear g^ard, did not get up until the hour of attack, about 5.30
p. m. Some alarm of the possible flank movement of the Con-
federate forces had spread among the various organizations, the
controversy over this question having been fierce and long since
the war, but any one acquainted with the nature of the ground,
(which it is impossible to fully describe) will at once conclude
that the ground on which the first brigade (Gilsa's) was posted
must have accounted for the surprise and defeat of our Regi-
ment. It is safe to say that for solid interlacing of vines, under-
growth, interminable mass of thicket, no battlefield in all the
war equalled it. Hundreds of reports made by officers and pri-
vates speak in the most extravagant language of that wild fores-
try. Numbers of rebels who wrote about the advance of the
soldiers mentioned the great disorder of the troops as they tried
to move in line. It was one of the causes of an earlier halt in
their pursuit of our retreating columns, as they were inter-
mingled and scattered so widely that the organizations could no
longer be recognized. The Confederates were also wholly ex-
hausted for want of food and sleep. Many of them had had
neither for two days.

LOCATION OF THE ELEVENTH CORPS 27

The LocRtion of the Eleventh Corps.

For reasons already given, namely: Glanz taken prisoner and
Lieutenant Dachrodt wounded, no reports from these officers
were rendered, and tViat fact has made it necessary for me to
look up the actions of the various organizations with whom we
were affiliated. Captain Benjamin Morgan of the 75th Regiment,
Ohio, gives the following brief report:

"About noon on the 2d instant, the Seventy-fifth was ordered to the
right to support the First Brigade. At 4.15 p. m. a volley was fired on
our right flank by the One Hundred and Fifty-third Pennsylvania, From

The Hone ia War. The Scouts,

information received, found it was occasioned by the appearance of rebel
cavalry.

About 5.30 p. m. heavy firing commenced on our right. Colonel
Reilty immediately wheeled the Seventy-fifth to the right, and ordered
coltimn to be deployed ; but before the same could be properly accomplish-
ed, a portion of the First Brigade broke through our ranks, considerably
retarding the movement. The regiment was, however, formed in good
order, and, after firing j rounds, men falling fast, and heavily pressed by
overwhelming numbers, the order was given by Colonel Reilly to about-
face, which was twice repeated by me before the regiment faced to the rear.
They then retired in good order, ready to form on the first support, and
were rallied by you personally about 6.15 p, m., and reformed."

Several reports show the whereabouts of the nth Corps on
Saturday night and on Sunday and aho on Monday at 5 p. m.
when they occupied rifle pits on the left of Hancock where hnes

28 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

of rifle pits had been constructed during the day. J. H. Lock-
wood, commanding the Seventh Virginia (Union), reports that
his command was, on Sunday, located as follows: "On the 3cl
instant, at about 7 a. m., we were ordered to form in line of
battle, which we did in an open field fronting the wood that lay
between us and the enemy, our Regiment, under command of
Colonel Joseph Snider, occupying a position to the left of the
Fourth Ohio and on the extreme left of the brigade." He speaks
of being posted on the left of the road leading from Chancellors-
ville to the United States Ford, and that during the day they
were moved by the left flank and took position at right angles
from the one they were then occupying, their right resting and
adjoining the right of the Eleventh Corps. The Report of Colonel
Charles J. Powers, of the One Hundred and Eighth New York,
says, that the Brigade he commanded on the 3d "formed second
line in support of rifle pits on the left of the position assumed
by the army, our left resting on the pits occupied by the Eleventh
Army Corps/'

Chancellorsville Engagement.

The engagements on the i, 2, and 3d of May, 1863, are im-
mortalized events in the annals of modern warfare, and yet few
battle fields of the Rebellion have been more thoroughly neg-
lected. Devastation has laid its desolating hand on every spot
where once contending armies waged the bitter contest. No
human agencies have been at work ameliorating the distorted
conditions left by surging troops on those memorable days of
carnage. The calamity that befell our army on that fateful
ground offered no compensation to a backward glance over those
bloody scenes of conflict. No patriotic impulse has stirred the
Nation to commemorate in marble or bronze the portentous deeds
of that trying day. The enemy highly elated over the half-won
victory, on that dark day, have left the field to the weird echoes
of their fiendish shouts, and have since placed but a few simple
markers of their unholy doings.

ON THE CHANCELLORSVILLE BATTLEFIEU) 29

We lost Chancellorsville ; they lost their national cause, having
invoked upon themselves the well deserved censure of all loyal
citizens of our great Republic to the end of the ages. Time will
never erase the scars of the wounds inflicted by the belligerent
South upon the defenders of our beloved Country. We can for-
give, but never forget. The bitter lessons will be salutary upon the
children of many generations, and for the descendants of the
Southern soldiers, who incurred the reprehension of the best
Government the sun ever shone upon, we will ever entertain
true charity; while for their sake we will condone the overt act
of their patriot fathers. No coming, or flight of years will ever
obliterate the well-known fact that if the majority of the Con-
federate soldiers had known at the time that the war was carried
on by the South for the perpetuation of slavery, they would
have laid down their arms. The great masses of southern soldiers
were totally ignorant of what they were fighting for. They
could not understand that the Yankee soldier had come to de-
liver them from the curse which had hung over them for many
generations, and that they had come to be among the last of
all civilized people who had abolished the inhuman rite of trading
in human beings. Their day of "J^t^^'^^" ^^^ come.

On the Chancellonville Battlefield.

This engagement is one of the most difficult of description of
any of the war. It was not a decisive battle. The rebels them-
selves acknowledged that they were almost annihilated. They
needed rest much more than we did.

All maps accessible showing the disposition of the Federal
troops on the eve of the battle on the right of the line on the
morning of the 2nd of May place our Regiment in the most
defenseless, forlorn situation in which a body of men could be
placed. Though among the last of the men in the brigade to obey
an order to fall back after repeated volleys offered the advancing
troops of Jackson's overwhelming forces as they broke in upon
them on the rear and on the right and left flank, their deliverance

30 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

by a timely retreat was one of the most marvelously fortuitous
(though at the time considered the most calamitous) event of
that great battle field. The alignment of the troops had refer-
ence to an attack from the south as all records clearly exhibit.
With a front of two miles in length it was not supposable that if
the enemy intended engagement of our entire line of defenses
at one time they could crush the two wings and center of our
army with one simultaneous attack. In such an event, of an
attack of our entire front at once, the position occupied by our
regiment could not have been more fortunate, as an opportunity
to show their marksmanship and bravery. This opinion of the
men would certainly receive support when subsequently, under
more favorable circumstances, at the great battle of Gettys-
burg, they assisted in saving the crest and day, on the ever
memorable Cemetery Hill. But for their timely escape from
annihilation before 30,000 braves of the Confederate line at the
indefensible post of the former battle, their victorious achievement
at the latter would not have occurred. Who can say that our
Regiment was not spared at the one to help save the day of the
other.

As to the confusion on that disastrous occasion it was largely
increased on account of a panic brought on by the non-combatants
— a considerable army composed of attendants, servants, the ambu-
lance corps, with vehicles, animals, etc. — all looking for places
of safety from the flying missiles. The space over which the
company to which I belonged retreated was wooded for some
distance and then came a clearing. I am fully satisfied that
we were flanked on the left as well, for we had not receded
far when I saw large numbers of rebels on our left who were
rapidly firing on our retreating men. The shot and shell from
the southwestern direction on our rear were doing very effective
work on our troops and among the tree tops. I noticed in several
instances that heavy boughs fell around us. The fright of the
animals was as great as that of the men. I passed our little
medicine jack with his heavy load. Poor little fellow was wound-
ed and unable to run. Some one of the company captured, must

HOOKERS FEINT 3I

have some recollections of the fellow; he was also captured as
I have since been informed.

Hooker's Feint.

The main features of the scheme are as follows: The feint
having been anticipated by General Lee, as is shown by the
following information given him by General J. E. B. Stuart as ear-
ly as March 12th, intimated that Hooker at Aquai Landing was
contemplating some move. Stuart said :

**The impression of the people in King George is that the enemy are
preparing to move off, sending troops secretly from Aquai at night. The
information from Falmouth is that the enemy will as soon as the roads
permit cross at the United States Ford, Falmouth, and some points be-
low, the attempt at Falmouth to be a feint."

General Doubleday, who commanded a division of the forces
sent down below Fredericksburg to make the feint, g^ves the fol-
lowing account :

"On the 28th. the Sixth Corps, under Sedgwick, and the First Corps,
under Reynolds, were moved down the river, three or four miles below
Fredericksburg, and bivouaced there in a pouring rain. As it was possible
that the two corps might be attacked when they reached the other side,
the Third Corps, under Sickles, was posted in the rear as a reserve.

The next day two bridges were laid at Franklin's old crossing for
the Sixth Corps, and two more a mile below for the First Corps. Men in
rifle pits on the other side impeded the placing of the pontoons for a while,
but detachments sent over in boats stormed their entrenchments, and drove
them out. Brooks' division of the Sixth Corps and Wadsworth's division
of the First Corps then crossed and threw up tete-de-ponts. The enemy
made no other opposition than a vigorous shelling by their guns on the
heights, which did but little damage. A considerable number of these
missiles* were aimed at my division and at that of J. C. Robinson, which
were held in reserve on the north side of the river ; but as our men were
pretty well sheltered, there were but few casualties.

It soon became evident that the enemy would not attack the bridge

32 HISTORY OF THE 153D REGT.

heads, they being well guarded by artillery on the north bank, so Sickles'
Corps was detached on the 30th and ordered to Chancellorsvillc.

Sedgwick used the remainder of his men to great advantage by march-
mg them back and forth among the hills in such a way as to lead Lee to
suppose that a very large force confronted him. As, however, Sedgwick
did not advance, and more accurate reports were furnished by Stuart in
relation to what had taken place up the river, Lee saw, on the night of
the 30th, that the movement in front of Fredericksburg, was a feint, and
his real antagonist was at Chancellorsvillc. He had previously ordered
Jackson's corps up from Moss creek, and now advanced with the main
body of his army to meet Hooker, leaving Early's division of Jackson's
corps and Barkdale's brigade of McLaw's division of Longstrcet's corps
to hold the heights of Fredericksburg against Sedgwick. Jackson, who
was always prompt, started at midnight, and at 8 a. m. the next day stood
by the side of Anderson at Tabernacle Church. McLaw's division had
already arrived, having preceded him by a few hours."

But referring again to Doubleday's account, who says:

**Hooker soon found himself hampered in every direction by dense and
almost impenetrable thickets, which had a tendency to break up every
organization that tried to pass through them into mere crowds of men
without order or alignment. Under these circumstances concert of action
became exceedingly difficult, and when attempts were made to communi-
cate orders off of the road, aides wandered hopelessly through the woods,
struggling in the thick undergrowth, without being able to find any one.
The enemy, of course, was also impeded in their movements, but they
had the advantage of being better acquainted with the country, and in
case they were beaten they had a line at Tabernacle Church already en-
trenched to fall back upon. The ravines also, which crossed the upper
roads at right angles, offered excellent defensive positions for them."

THE FORTIFJED RAPPAHANNOCK 33

The Fortified Bappahannock.

All the region from the upper Fords of the Rappahannock to
the Franklin Crossing below Fredericksburg, a distance of about
27 miles, was fortified by Lee, and was known as the south bank
of the River (Rappahannock), while the Federal army known
as the Army of the Potomac, occupied the country on the north
side. Lee called the position of the Federals "The Stafford
Hills" and looked upon them as strong and impregnable.

During the long winter of 1862-3 the two opposing armies were
making the necessary preparations for the opening of a campaign
in the spring.

For the comrade who reads these accounts it is necessary that
he have a knowledge of the geography of the country, and that he
carefully study the military maps which show the disposition of
the various departments of the army on the respective days of
the battle occurring.

Several rivers, varying in size, run east of the Blue Ridge
south of the Potomac, in a southeasterly direction, and empty into
the Chesapeake bay. These streams have become noted in the his-
tory of the military operations of the Army of the Potomac. The
narrower part of the land between the Potomac and the Rappa-
hannock is less than ten miles wide (at Fredericksburg). At
points below the city the land is still narrower. The Rappahannock
rises along the Blue Ridge and has a tributary known as the
Rapidan, which also has its source at the base of the same moun-
tain. The fork of these rivers is a little east of Chancellorsville,
and about 9 miles in a westerly direction from Fredericksburg.
Next, south, and with the same (southeasterly) course is the
Matapony, which rises near Spottsylvania Court House, forming
a junction with the Pamunky, of similar course, at West Point,
together running into the York river, which broadens out into
the Chesapeake. The next stream of greater importance is the
James river, on which the City of Richmond is situated. The
distance from Richmond to Washington is about 100 miles and
Fredericksburg is midway between them. The distance from
3

34 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

Chancellorsville to Fredericksburg is ten miles. The name
Chancellorsville is very misleading to one not acquainted. There
is no village. One rather pretentious building occupies the spot
where several roads cross. This house was burned at the time
of the battle, was rebuilt, but has been sufficiently reduced to a
condition scarcely fit for more than a good bonfire.

About three and a half miles from Fredericksburg on the
Hank Road toward the Battlefield is the old, vacated shell-
riddled meeting house where the battle of Salem Church
was fought. Between two and three miles in a southwesterly
course is Tabernacle Church. From this church the road makes
a bend southward and comes out at the Chancellorsville House,
where it unites with the plank road from which it had diverged.
A third road runs from the Chancellorsville House towards the
fords, a branch of which leads to United States Ford, over which
our troops returned after the battle May 1-5.

Hooker's Grcneral Orders, No. 49.

Immediately after the battle of Chancellorsville General Hook-
er issued the following order : —

"The Major-General commanding tenders to this army his congratula-
tions on its achievements of the last seven days. If it has not accomplish-
ed all that was expected, the reasons are well known to the army. It is
sufficient to say they were of a character not to be foreseen or prevented
by human sagacity or resource. In withdrawing from the south bank of
the Rappahannock before delivering a general battle to our adversaries,
the army has given renewed evidence of its confidence in itself and its
fidelity to the principles it represents. In fighting to a disadvantage, we
would have been recreant to our trust, to ourselves, our cause, and our
country. Profoundly loyal, and conscious of its strength, the Army of
the Potomac will give or decline battle whenever its interest or honor
may demand. It will also be the guardian of its own history and its own
fame.

By our celerity and secrecy of movement, our advance and passage of

WHAT HOOKER FOUND IN THE DESERT 35

the rivers were undisputed, and on our withdrawal not a rebel ventured
to follow.

The events of the last week may swell with pride the heart of every
officer and soldier of this army. We have added new luster to its former.
renown. We have made long marches, crossed rivers, surprised the
enemy in its entrenchments, and whenever we have fought have inflicted
heavier blows than we have received. We have taken from the enemy
5000 prisoners; captured and brought off seven pieces of artillery, fifteen
colors; placed hors de combat 18,000 of its chosen troops; destroyed its
depots filled with vast amounts of stores; deranged its communications;
captured prisoners within the fortifications of its capital, and filled its
country with fear and consternation.

We have no other regret than that caused by the loss of our brave
companions, and in this we are consoled by the conviction that they have
fallen in the holiest cause ever submitted to the arbitrament of battle.

By command of Major-General Hooker.

S. WILLIAMS, Assistant Adjutant-General "

What Hooker Found in fhe Desert.

It will further greatly facilitate the study of the Chancellorsville
battle by gaining first a detailed account of the position and num-
ber of rebels occupying the woods in all that region. There had
been previous skirmishing with fragments of the army of the
enemy in the neighborhood of The Crossings of the Rappahan-
nock, reference, detailed, having already been made to this in
the report of General Lee. That there would be some demon-
strations in this region on the opening of the spring was to be
presumed, and the very vigilant scouring of those forests by the
rebel scouts was an indication that movements of some sort were
on foot in this direction about the time Hooker was making his
great preparations for the advance.

The troops confronting Hooker on his arrival in the forest
country April 29th, were those that were on regular duty guarding
the Fords and approaches all along the Rappahannock down to

36 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

Fredericksburg. Stonewall Jackson held the line from Port
Royal to Hamilton's Crossing below Fredericksburg. The front
line from Hamilton's Crossing to Bank's Ford (two miles nortli
of Salem Church) was guarded by General McLaws. All Fords
northward from Bank's were fortified by a division commanded
by General Anderson. All parts of that desert country were pa-
trolled and watched by the cavalry in command of General J.
E. B. Stuart. This entire line established by General Lee, to
prevent the Federal army from crossing, was a long one for
him to hold, and could not be strong at any point. By the vigi-
lance of his cavalry Lee is said to have been apprised as early
as the 28th of April (one day after our Army left Brooks Station)
that Hooker was about crossing the river at Kelley's Ford, and
on this information, being brought to him by Stuart with whom
Lee at once advised, Stuart at once started out for Brandy sta-
tion (on the road from Kelley's Ford to Gordonville) a point he
thought Hooker's army would pas? in order to gain Lee's rear
and communications with Richmond, Finding his mistake Stuart
at once made a circuit in the direction of Chancellorsville with the
intention of impeding Hooker's progress, and thus prevent him
from attacking Lee*s scattered forces then guarding the roads in
that vicinity. The Fords of Ely and United States were at the
time guarded by Mahone's and Posey's brigades (as we have
elsewhere stated). When these Ferry guards learned that Hooker
was on the roads with a large force they hurriedly fell back
towards Chancellorsville. Meantime Lee was being informed (at
Fredericksburg, his head-quarters^ that the Federal army had
effected a crossing and at once sent up more troops to meet
Hooker. Wright's brigade from Fredericksburg arrived. An-
derson seeing the situation had already anticipated Hooker's ap-
proach and had retired to a good position near the Tabernacle
Church, and began entrenching.

Meantime Sickles' Corps (3d) had been ordered down from
Hartwood Church (some distance north of the United States
Ford), marched toward Fredericksburg on the north side of
the river and encamped near Falmouth, opposite Fredericksburg,

WHAT HOOKER FOUND IN THE DESERT 37

but on the 30th was ordered back to take position as a reserve
near Chancellorsville. His army was composed of about 20,000
men. On the evening of the 30th (according to good authority)
Lee, still in Fredericksburg, was ignorant of Hooker's plan.
Meantime Sedgwick's feint, opposite Lee's headquarters, kept
both Jackson and Lee busy guessing Sedgwick's intentions. The
astute Lee, to meet the possibility of Sedgwick's ruse, and at
the same time acting on the intelligence just brought him by Stuart,
that Hooker was at Chancellorsville in heavy force, sent up
troops to meet Hooker. Jackson was at the time at Moss Creek,
below Hamilton's Crossing, and was ordered to go by forced
march to Chancellorsville, where his men arrived at 10 a. m.
Friday morning. May ist. Having set his troops in motion, Jack-
son rode swiftly and arrived in the neighborhood of the en-
trenchments of Anderson at 8 a. m. McLaws having gotten an
earlier start, arrived at about the same time as Jackson. Jack-
son at once began the study of the situation, stopped all work
on the entrenchments which had been hastily thrown up during
the night of the 30th, and at once planned for aggressive work.
About the time of Jackson's arrival, the Union cavalry under
Pleasanton were engaging Anderson's pickets.

Hooker had now 64,000 men in the vicinity of Chancellorsville,
and all the troops of Lee, except Early's division of Jackson's
Corps, and a brigade of McLaw's division of Longstreet's Corps
which were left to hold Fredericksburg against Sedgwick, were
now confronting Hooker. Hooker had ordered an attack for
Friday morning 11 o'clock. (My Diary makes a record of our
Regiment going out towards Chancellorsville about 9 a. m. and
soon returning to former position). Doubleday says that Hooker
started out to meet Lee in 4 columns ; that Slocum, followed by
Howard, took the Plank Road on the right; Sykes' division of
Meade's Corps, followed by Hancock's division of Couch's
Corps, went by the Turnpike in the center; the remainder of
Meade's Corps, — Griffin's division — followed by that of Hum-
phrey's, took the River Road. French's division of Couch's
Corps turned off towards Todd's Tavern. Each column was

38 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

headed l^ a detachment of Pleasanton's Cavaliy. One brigade of
Sickles' Corps was sent to Dowdall's Tavern (known as Meizi

I

Chancellor's house) and another brigade (of Sickles') was left
at the United States Ford to guard against Fitzhugh Lee's
Cavalry.

WHAT HOOKER FOUND IN THE DESERT 39

This was the situation around Chancellorsville on the morning
of May I. The chiefs of both armies were now coming face to
face. As the 153d Regiment was posted on the extreme right,
and all troops were obliged to move in very close columns and
through the only road on the line on which the Corps was posted
through that dense woods, the right of the Eleventh Corps de-
ploying would not get very far down toward Chancellorsville.
Our regiment was not only the last one on the right of the Corps,
but was formed at right angles and in that position was exposed
to the heavy mass of the enemy approaching from the west.

There seem often unknown reasons for failure in military
operations while no mortal man can prove that there has not
been interposition of Divine Providence. That this was so in
the indecisive battle of Chancellorsville one can readily accept.
In such cases it is often of great importance to reserve all judg-
ment as to the issue until another or other engagements have
occurred.

Hooker's plan, magnificent as it was, and without parallel, em-
braced too much when it contemplated the destruction of the en-
tire army of Northern Virginia. He did not sufficiently count
on the powerful stimulus that moved the Confederate Army
at that stage of the war. He had not been sufficiently impressed
with the awful impulse that was leading them to desperation
because they felt that they had far more to lose than we had to
gain at that perilous hour. The defeats of the Federal Army had
been, to a considerable extent depressing to the loyal people of
the Union, but not sufficiently so to fully arouse them to the
danger of losing their cause. Such was the preponderance of
national power on account of the larger military and of the
great resources of the North, that no fears were entertained by
Hooker that the North would not be able to put down the Re-
bellion. It was evidently in the mind of Hooker that with an
army twice the size of Lee's he ought to be victorious, for on
no other account could his sanguinary address to his troops just
before the battle be explained.

It cannot be gainsaid that the extreme right of the line of

40 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

Hooker, where the 153d was posted at the time of Jackson's at-
tack, was weak and most defenseless in respect of a surprise by
a large force, having had but the merest apology of a barricade
made of a few slashed trees, and the ground where the Gilsa
brigade was posted was wholly impassable for cavalry and ar-
tillery, it must also be remembered that the density of the
thicket prevented the seeing of an enemy one rod ahead of the
line. It is also significant tliat so far as the number of men and
their efficiency were concerned this part of the line held by the
153d Regiment was as strong defensively as much of the main
line from Chancellorsville to the angle formed by the 153d in
the woods. The main difficulty arose from the uncertainty of
Jackson's detour. If an attack of that nature had been known
(not as a possibility) positively, Hooker would no doubt have
made disposition to meet it. The post would not have been
left without heavy breastworks and redoubts on flank, and the
support of another corps.

The fact that early on Saturday morning Hooker and Sickles
rode along the entire line for inspection, and that the command-
ing General suggested some important changes on the line of the
Eleventh and Twelfth Corps, and recommended increase of re-
serves in some places, and closed with the oft-quoted words,
"please advance your pickets for purposes of observation, as far
as may be safe, in order to obtain timely information on the ap-
proach of the enemy," absolutely settled nothing. All that his ad-
vice covered, Gen. Howard says, was immediately done. The tes-
timony is that detachments from Gilsa's brigade went far
out for observation. Their first relief and return to the line was
not fully accomplished before the enemy was upon them in
force. Their contact with videttes had been the intimation that
the enemy was feeling the locality and possible strength of the
Federal army. From a number of reports from various Con-
federate officers since the war the whole wooded territory be-
tween Chancellorsville and the Furnace one and a half miles
south of the plank road, and all intervening forest country in
front of the Eleventh and Twelfth Corps, on Friday swarmed

WHAT HOOKER FOUND IN THE DESERT 4I

with fragments of infantry organizations, couriers, artillery
cavalry, videttes, and the usual attendants of an army, and that
all movements and skirmishings had reference to the finding and
attack of the Federal army. All day Friday Jackson was busy
organizing, directing, disposing his forces under the various com-
manders, and completing his plans for the famous detour. Lee's
opinion that Hooker's position, from the nature of the country,
and the strong fortifications he had built, was impregnable, was
the primary cause of Jackson's march around to the rear of
Hooker. In the scheme of Jackson there was also laid the plan
of gaining the roads north of Chancellorsville by way of cutting
off Hooker from means of retreat across the Rappahannock.
This course was very evident in the act of Stuart's cavalry
forces maneuvering in the region of the fords, at tjie same time
that Jackson was driving the broken columns of the right of
Hooker's army. General Howard has informed the writer that
General Fitzhugh Lee told him since the war that Jackson's lines
would not have extended beyond von Gilsa's right had not he from
his (Fitzhugh Lee's) reconnoitering ascertained the exact location
of Gilsa and that as soon as he did so he informed Jackson and
guided him to the extreme right, and that by this timely infor-
mation the enemy over-lapped Gilsa's right and the 153d by at
least a quarter of a mile. This accounts for the appearance of
Confederates firing upon our fleeing troops from the north.

While Jackson lay suffering pain from his wounds on Satur-
day night, he gave Hill, his successor, a last order which un-
doubtedly had reference to the theory that much of his detour
plan embraced cutting off Hooker from the Rappahannock cross-
ings. He said to Hill: "Press them; cut them off from the
United States ford. Hill; press them." It is plainly shown also
that it was part of Jackson's plan to draw in all his forces and
drive Hooker to a centralized point at or near the fields of the
White house.

42 HISTORY OF THE I53D RBGT.

The Enemy's Side of fhe Story.

To assist the reader in grasping the key to the true situation
on the Chancellorsville battleground, and what the Federal army
had to confront, I produce the report of General Lee :

'^Headquarters, Guincy's Station, Va., May 5, 1863.

At the close of the battle of Chancellorsville, on Sunday, the enemy
was reported advancing from Fredricksburg in our rear. General McLaws
was sent back to arrest his progress, and repulsed him handsomely that
afternoon at Tabernacle Church. Learning that this force consisted of
two corps under General Sedgwick, I determined to attack it. Leaving a
sufficient force to hold General Hooker in check, who had not recrossed
the Rappahannock, as was reported, but occupied a strong position in front
of United States Ford, I marched back yesterday with General Anderson,
and, uniting with McLaws and Early in the afternoon, succeeded by the
blessing of heaven, in driving General Sedgwick over the river. We
have reoccupied Fredericksburg, and no enemy remains south of the
Rappahannock in its vicinity.

His Excellency President Davis.

R. E. LEE, General"

"Headquarters, Army of Northern Virginia, Sept. 23, 1863.

General S. Cooper, Adjutant General:

General : I have the honor to transmit herewith my report of the opera-
tions of this army from the time the enemy crossed the Rappahannock,
on April 28, last, to his retreat over the river on the night of May 5, em-
bracing the battles of Chancellorsville, Salem Church, etc. I also forward
the reports of the several commanding officers of corps, divisions, brigades
and regiments, and the returns of the medical and ordnance departments,
together with a map. etc.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

R. E. LEE. General.*'

The following are extracts of General Lee's complete report,
dated September 21, 1863:

"After the battle of Fredericksburg, (December, 1862,) the army re-
mained encamped on the south side of the Rappahannock until the latter

THE enemy's side of the STORY 43

part of April two brigades were stationed near the United States

Mine (or Bark Mill) Ford, and a third guarded Bank's Ford ... the
cavalry was distributed on both flanks, Fitzhugh Lee's brigade picketing
the Rappahannock above the mouth of the Rapidan, and W. H. F. Lee's
near Port Royal . . . Hampton's brigade had been sent into the interior
to recruit. General Longstreet, with two divisions of his corps, was de-
tached for service south of the James river . . . With the exception of
the engagement between Fitzhugh Lee's brigade and the enemy's cavalry
near Kelley's Ford March 17, nothing of interest transpired during this
period of inactivity.

On April 14, intelligence was received that the enemy's cavalry was con-
centrating on the Upper Rappahannock. Their efforts to establish them-
selves on the south side of the river were successfully resisted. About
(April) the 21st, small bodies of infantry appeared at Kelley's Ford and
the Rappahannock bridge, and almost at the same time a demonstration
was made opposite Port Royal (below Fredericksburg) where a party of
infantry crossed the river about the 23rd. These movements were evi-
dently intended to conceal the design of the enemy, but, taken in connec-
tion with the reports of scouts, indicated that the Federal Army, now
commanded by Major-General Hooker, was about to resume active
operations.*

At 5.30 a. m. on April 28, the enemy crossed the Rappahannock in
boats near Fredericksburg, and, driving off the pickets on the river, pro-
ceeded to lay pontoon bridges a short distance below the mouth of Deep
Run. Later in the afternoon another bridge was constructed about a
mile below the first . . . our dispositions were accordingly made . . .
no demonstration was made opposite any other part of our lines at
Fredericksburg, and the strength of the force that had crossed and its
apparent indisposition to attack indicated that the principal effort would
be made in some other quarter. This impression was confirmed by in-
telligence received from General Stuart that a large body of infantry and
artillery was passing up the river (these were our corps which left Brook's
Station on the 27th of April on the march to Kelley's Ford) . . during
the forenoon of the 29th, that officer (Stuart) reported that the enemy
had crossed in force, near Kelley's Ford on the preceding evening. Later
in the day he announced that a heavy column was moving from Kelley's

•Editor's notes in parentheses.

44 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

to Germanna Ford on the Rapidan, and another toward Ely's Ford (those
troops crossing at the Germanna Ford were the Eleventh and Twelfth
Corps, and those crossing the Ely's Ford the Fifth Corps under Meade) .
The routes they were pursuing after they crossed the Rapidan converge
near Chancellorsville, where several roads lead to the rear of our position
at Fredericksburg.

On the night of the 29th, General Anderson was directed to proceed
toward Chancellorsville, and dispose Wright's brigade and the troops from
the Bark Mill Ford(Mahone and Posey's) to cover these roads. Arriving at
Chancellorsville about midnight, he found the commands of Generals Ma-
hone and Posey already there, having been withdrawn from the Bark
Mill Ford, with the exception of a small guard. Learning that the enemy
had crossed the Rapidan, and were approaching in strong force, General
Anderson retired early on the morning of the 30th, to the intersection of
the Mine and Plank roads, near Tabernacle Church, (a mile or more south-
east of Chancellorsville) and began to entrench himself. The enemy's
cavalry (Pleasanton's) skirmished with his rear guard as he left Chan-
cellorsville. The enemy in our front near Fredericksburg continued in-
active, and it was now apparent that the main attack would be made on
flank and rear. It was therefore determined to leave suflicient troops to
hold our lines (at Fredericksburg) and with the main body of the army
to give battle to the approaching column . . . and at midnight on the
30th, General McLaws moved with the rest of his command toward Chan-
cellorsville. General Jackson followed at dawn next morning with the
remaining divisions of his corps. He reached the position occupied by
General Anderson at 8 a. m. and immediately began preparations to ad-
vance."

Skirmishings.

These preparations with all day skirmishings of the cavalry and
infantry along the entire southern front of our line on the plank
road to ascertain our position and strength, made the impression

upon us (privates) as we lay in the woods on the extreme right,
that a constant battle was going on somewhere. Meantime dur-
ing the night Wilcox's brigade had been ordered back to guard
Bank's Ford.

THE WOUNDING OF JACKSON 45

The Wounding of Jackson.

A very singular incident, and one fraught with momentous
consequences, occurred at the time of the wounding of General
Jackson. It was at this very time that the rebel General Stuart
was busy on our rear to cut us off the road to Ely's Ford. Also
at the same time General Hill was wounded. Both Jackson and
Hill being disabled at about the same time, it necessitated calling
for General Stuart, who was at that very hour engaged in his mis-
chievous work distributing his cavalry forces on our rear to pre-
vent our retreat. It was with great difficulty that Stuart found
his way through the darkness and dense wilderness to come to
the scene where Jackson had been injured and to assume com-
mand. We quote from Lee's Report :

"Upon General Stuart's arrival, soon afterwards, the command was
turned over to him by General Hill. He immediately proceeded to re-
connoiter the ground and make himself acquainted with the disposition
of the troops. The darkness of the night and the difficulty of moving
through the woods and undergrowth rendered it advisable to defer opera-
tions until morning, and the troops rested on their arms in line of battle."

Jackson and Hill had not been good friends, but there in the
darkness the Great Stonewall Jackson **buried the hatchet," made
no mention of old scores and asked Hill to assume command of
his demoralized and broken corps. Captain Taylor, now a
resident of the Taylor Hill mansion, near Fredericksburg, inform-
ed the writer (on a visit at his home) that at the time Jackson
was wounded he (Taylor) was a guide on Hill's personal staff
while the rebel troops occupied the wilderness, and that he
with others who were natives of that section rendered service
of pointing out the byways and paths of that wooded country.
Taylor told the writer that he was present at the time when
Jackson's first divisions arrived in the rear of the iith Corps
on Saturday afternoon, and that the advance was made almost
immediately on the arrival of Jackson's first division. He also
stated that General Hill was bending over the wounded Jackson

46 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

trying to assist him when Hill himself received the wound which
disabled him also.

The writer distinctly recollects having heard on Sunday of
the wounding of Jackson and that it was done by accident by
his own men. This intelligence came to us on the following day
after its occurrence.

Account by Captain Owen Rice.

Captain Owen Rice, giving an account of the activities
of the armies on Friday and Saturday, says: "Recalled
from the lines above Port Royal, Jackson at 8 a. m.
had effected a junction with Anderson and McLaws, now front-
ing our center and left. An advance of less than three miles
east of Chancellorsville, therefore found the enemy. But no
sooner had the more open country solved the difficulties of de-
ployment, and rendered available all divisions in hand ; no sooner
had the enemy's lines unmasked and a strong fighting position
been attained, than as sudden a return to the wilderness was
commanded, the brimming enthusiasm of the men cast down,
every coigne of vantage resigned, the reserve artillery, at Bank's
Ford, distanced by twelve miles of difficult roads, Sedgwick as
far removed from support, or supporting relations, and, without
serious loss or harassing resistance, the columns returned to the
position last held, with the diverging roads, and open space
around the Chancellor house as the defensive center.

The position as skillfully developed by the engineers in the
semi-confusion of the recall, lay within the wilderness a vast
tract of forest with occasional and not far-reaching clear-
ings adjoining the highways and habitations, with thickets, and
tangled meshes of native shrubbery, fallen trees, interlaced by
creeping vines, whose rebel tenacity was sedulously asserted,
thorny shrubs, briars, and festive Christmas holly, blinding pines,
and lancinating scrub-oaks clustered around the standing timber
far along the Orange and Culpepper Roads to the West of

CAUSES OF hooker's DEFEAT 47

Dowdairs, northward for miles to the Rappahannock, and south-
ward for leagues to the skirts of Spottsylvania, with irregular
undulating elevations along the streams. The left securely rest-
ing on the Rappahannock, and facing eastward was held by
Meade, the Second Corps prolonging the line southward to the
Turnpike with Hancock's division well thrust forward on an
eminence overlooking Mott Run; and then curving westward,
the line, in front of Fair View, held by Slocum's (12th) Corps,
faced southward, on a bold elevation, flanked to the west by the
less elevated but not more commanding Hazel Hill. To the
west, with an interval of at least two divisions' fronts, in echelon
to Slocum and in front of the Plank Road, the Eleventh Corps
prolonged the south front to a point at which the road forked
into the Orange Road to southwest, and the Culpepper Road to
the northwest."

Causes of Hooker's Defeat.

In Harper's "History of the Great Rebellion" appears an ac-
count of Hooker's defeat, of which we can say as Horace Greely
did of startling articles presented to him, "Important if true." I
adduce the following extracts from the Harper History as a
sample of the legion of '^expert testimony" witnesses in the case.
The writers who never saw a battle have often been the most
rhetorical and have labored hardest to show the novel reader
how impossibilities ought to have been mastered. We are com-
pelled to have far less respect for the man who persistently
blames certain officers for the blunder of that battle, than we
have for the men on whom the odium has been cast. The writer
cannot be convinced that any of the Generals were designing men
or willfully negligent on that momentous occasion. The narra-
tor says:

"There was not, in fact, any moment between Thursday afternoon and
Tuesday morning when success was not wholly within the grasp of the
Union army."

48 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

This Statement expresses an opinion; that is all. The corre-
spondent continues: '*The movement by which Chancellorsvillc
was reached, and the Confederate position rendered worthless,
was brilliantly conceived and admirably executed. The initial
error by which alone all else was rendered possible,
was that halt at Chancellorsville. Had the march been
continued for an hour longer, or even been resumed on the fol-
lowing morning, the army would have got clear of the wilderness
without meeting any great opposing force, and then would have
been in position where its great superiority of nimibers would
have told.

The rout of Howard's Corps was possible only iroat the gross-
est neglect of all military precautions. Jackson after a toilsome
march of ten hours, halted for three hours in open ground, not
two miles from the Union lines. A single picket, sent a mile
up a broad road, would have discovered the whole movement
in ample time for Howard to have strengthened his position or to
have withdrawn from it without loss. The blame of this surprise
cannot, however, fairly be laid upon Hooker. He had a right to
presume that whoever was in command there would have picketed
his Hnes so as to prevent the possibility of being surprised in
broad daylight. But even here as it was, the disaster to the
Eleventh Corps should have had no serious effect upon the
general result. That was fully remedied when the pursuit was
checked. On Sunday morning Hooker was in a better position
than he had been the evening before. He had lost three thousand
men and had been strengthened by 17,000, and now has 78,000
to oppose to 47,000. The Confederate army could reunite only
by winning a battle or by a day's march. The only thing which
could have lost the battle of the day was the abandonment of
the position at Hazel Grove, for from this alone was it possible
to enfilade Slocum's line. But surely it is within the limits of
military forethought that a general who has occupied a position
for two days and three nights should have discovered the very
key to that position, when it lay within a mile of his own head-
quarters. The disabling of Hooker could not, indeed, have been

extract: O. 0. HOWARD 49

foreseen ; but such an accident might happen to any commander
upon any field ; and there should have been somewhere some man
with authority to have, within the space of three hours, brought
into action some of the more than thirty thousand men within
sound, and almost within sight, of the battle then raging. How
the hours from Sunday noon till night were wasted has been
shown. Hooker indeed, reiterates that he could not assail the
Confederate lines through the dense forests. But Lee broke
through those very woods on Sunday, and was minded to at-
tempt it again on Wednesday, when he found that the enemy
had disappeared. The golden opportunity was lost, never to be
recovered, and the Confederate army of Northern Virginia gain-
ed a new lease of life."

The comment the writer has to make on the above quotation is
brief for the reason that what elsewhere appears on this subject
will refute some of the strong statements of the Harper authority,
while the other will be confirmed. It should be very gratifying to
the reader to be allowed to hear what the men have to say who
conducted the conflict. Among the many excellent articles in a
work entitled the "Battles and Leaders of the Civil War," pub-
lished in 1894, the Century Magazine people have given very
clever accounts by the generals who participated in the battles.
The following extracts are by Howard :

Extract: 0. 0. Howard.

"The country around Chancellorsville for the most part is wilderness,,
with but here and there an evening. If we consult the recent maps (no
good ones existed before the battle), we notice that the two famous
rivers, the Rapidan and the Rappahannock, join at a point due north of
Chancellorsville, thence the Rappahannock runs easterly for two miles,
till suddenly at the United States Ford it turns and flows south for n
mik and a half, and then, turning again, completes a horse shoe bend.
Here, on the south shore, was General Hooker's battle-line on the morning
of the 2d of May, 1863. Here his five army corps, those of Meade,
Slociim, Couch, Sickles, and Howard, were deployed. The face was
4

50 HISTORY OF THE 153D REGT.

toward the south, and the ranks mainly occupied a ridge nearly parallel
with the Rapidan

Our opponents, under General Robert E. Lee, the evening before, were
about two miles distant toward Fredericksburg, and thus between us and
Sedgwick. Lee had immediately with him the divisions of McLaws, An-
derson, Rodes, Colston, and A. P. Hill, besides some cavalry under
Stuart. He held for his hne of battle, a comparative short front between
the Rappahannock and the Catherine Furnace, not exceeding two miles
and a half in extent. His right wing, not far from the river, was be-
hind Mott Run. which flows due east, and his left was deployed along
the Catherine Furnace road.

Could Hooker, on the first day of May, have known Lee's exact loca-
tion he never could have had a better opportunity for taking the offen-
sive. But he did not know, and after the few troops advancing toward
Fredericksburg had met the approaching enemy he ordered all back to
the 'old position,' the Chancellorsville line. ... On the preceding Thurs-
day . . . the right wing . . . Meade's, Slocum's and mine ... by 4
o'clock in the afternoon had reached the vicinity of Chancellorsville, where
Slocum, who was the senior commander present, established his head-
quarters. I, approaching from Gcrmanna Ford, halted my divisions at
Dowdall's Tavern and encamped there. Then I rode along the Plank
road through the almost continuous forest to the Chancellorsville House.
There I reported to Slocum. He said that the orders were for me to
cover the right of the general line, posting my command near Dowdall's
Tavern. He pointed to a place on the map marked 'Mill* near there on a
branch of the Hunting Run, and said, 'Establish your right there.' Gen-
eral Slocum promised, with the 12th Corps, to occupy the place between
his headquarters and Dowdall's clearing, but, finding the distance too
great, one of his division commanders sent me word that I must cover
the last three-quarters of a mile of the Plank road. This was done by a
brigade of General Steinwehr, the commander of my left division, though
with regret on our part, because it required all the Corps* reserves to fill
up that gap. The so-called Dowdall's Tavern was at that time the home
of Melzi Chancellor. ... I placed my headquarters at his house. In
front of me, facing south along a curving ridge, the right of Stein wehr's
division was located. He had but two brigades, Barlow on the Plank
road and Buschbeck on his right. With them Steinwehr covered a mile,

EXTRACT: O. O. HOWARD 5 1

leaving but two regiments for reserve. These he put some two hundred
3rards to his rear, near the little Wilderness Church.

Next to Steinwehr, toward our right, came General Carl Schurz's di-
vision. First was Captain Dilger's battery ... his guns pointed to
the southwest and west, along the Orange Plank Road. Next was
Krzyzanowski's brigade, about half on the front and half in reserve.
Schurz's right brigade was that of Schimmelphenning, disposed in the same
manner, a part deployed and the remainder kept a few hundred yards
back for a reserve. Schurz's front line of infantry extended along the
old turnpike and faced to the southwest. The right division of the Corps
was commanded by General Charles Devens. Devens and I together
had carefully reconnoitered both Orange Plank Road and the old Turn-
pike for at least three miles toward the west. . . . He established his
division — ^the Second Brigade, under McLean, next to Schurz's first, and
then pushing on the pike for half a mile he deployed the other, Gilsa's at
right angles facing west, connecting his two parts by a thin skirmish line.
Colonel Gilsa's brigade was afterward drawn back, still facing west, at
right angles to the line, so as to make a more solid connection, and so
that, constituting, as it did, the main right flank, the reserve of the Corps
could be brought up more promptly to its support, by extending its right
to the north, should an enemy by any possible contingency get so far
around. A section of Dickmann's battery which looked to the west along
the old pike was located at the angle.

The reserve batteries, twelve guns, were put upon a ridge abreast of
the little church and pointed toward the northwest, with a view to sweep
all approaches to the north of Gilsa, firing up a gradually ascending slope.
This ridge, where I stood during the battle, was central, and besides, en-
abled the artillerymen to enfilade either roadway, or meet an attack from
south, west, or north. Here epaulments for the batteries were con-
structed, and cross-entrenchments for battery supports were dug, ex-
tending from the little church across all the open ground that stretched
away from the tavern to the right of Deven's line.

To my great comfort. General Sickles' Corps came up on Friday, May
1st, and took from our left Steinwehr's three-quarters of a mile of the
Plank road. Thus he relieved from the front line Barlow's brigade,
giving me, besides the several division reserves. General Barlow with 1500
men as a general reserve for the Corps. These were massed near the

52 HISTORY OF THE 153D REGT.

cross-entrenchments and held avowedly to support the batteries and pro-
tect General Devens' exposed right flank.

As to pickets, each division had a good line of them. My aide, Major
Charles H. Howard, assisted in connecting them between divisions, and
during the 2nd of May, that fearless and faithful staff-officer. Major
E. Whittlesey, rode the entire circuit of their front to stimulate them
to special activity. Those of Devens were 'thrown out at a distance from
a half-mile to a mile and stretching well around, covering our right flank ;'
and the picket-posts in front on the pike were over two miles beyond the
main line.

Meanwhile the Confederate General Rodes had been reaching his place
in the wilderness . At 4 p . m . his men were in position ; the line of
battle of his own brigade touched the pike west of us with its right, and
stretched away to the north ; beyond his brigade came Iverson's in the
same line. On the right of the pike was Dole's brigade, and to his right
Colquitt's. One hundred yards to the rear was Trimble's (Colston com-
manding) with Ramseur on the right following Colquitt . . . followed
by the division of A. P. Hill. The advance Confederate division had
more men in it than there were in the Eleventh Corps now in position.
Counting the ranks of this formidable column, beginning with the en-
veloping skirmish line, we find seven, besides the 3 ranks of file-closers.
Many of them were brought into such a position by the entanglements of
the forest, and gave our men the idea that battalions were formed in
close columns doubled on the center. With as little noise as possible, a
little after 5 p. m., the steady advance of the enemy began. Its first
lively effects, like a cloud of dust driven before a coming shower, ap-
peared in the startled rabbits, squirrels, quail, etc."

WHY LEE DID NOT FOLLOW UP OUR RETIREMENT 53

Wliy Lee Did Hot Follow Up Our Ketirement Across the Biver.

Our forces having drawn toward the United States Ford, the
place which Hooker had previously selected for the crossing in
case of defeat, very naturally had strong earthworks thrown up
for final defense.

Doubleday says :

"Our front gradually melted away and passed to the new line in the
rear through Humphrey's division of the Fifth Corps, which was posted
about half a mile north of the Chancellorsville House in the edge of the
thicket, to cover the retreat. At last only indomitable Hancock (Penn-
sylvania's gallant son) remained, fighting McLaws with his front line, and
keeping back Stuart and Anderson with his rear line.

The enemy, Jackson's Corps, showed little disposition to follow up this
success. The fact is, these veterans were about fought out, and became
almost inert. They did not, at the last, even press Hancock, who was
still strong in artillery, and withdrew his main body in good order.

Stuart's command had lost 7500 in his attack, and it could hardly have
resisted a fresh force if it had been thrown in. General William Hays,
of the Second Corps, who was taken prisoner, says they (the rebels) were
worn out, and Rodes admits in his report that Jackson's veterans clung
to their entrenchments, and that Ramseur and others who passed them,
urged them to go forward in vain.

The new line thus taken up by the Union Army was a semi-ellipse with
the left resting on the Rappahannock and the right on the Rapidan. Its
center was at Bullock's House, about three-fourths of a mile north of
Chancellorsville. The approaches were well guarded with artillery, and
the line partially entrenched. The enemy did not assail it. They made
a reconnoissance in the afternoon, but Weed's artillery at the appex of
the line was too strongly posted to be forced, and Lee soon found other
employment for his troops, for Sedgwick was approaching to attack his

rear."

Lee in his Report, dated September 21, 1863, says of this
situation :

"The enemy was driven from all its fortified positions, with heavy loss
in killed, wounded and prisoners, and retreated toward the Rappahannock.

54 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

By 10 a. m. we were in full possession of the field. The
troops, having become somewhat scattered by the difficulties of the
ground and the ardor of the contest, were immediately reformed pre-
paratory to renewing the attack. The enemy had withdrawn to a strong
position nearer to the Rappahannock, which he had previously
fortified. His superiority of numbers, the unfavorable nature of the
ground, which was densely wooded, and the condition of our troops after
the arduous and sanguinary conflict in which they had been engaged, ren-
dered great caution necessary. Our preparations were just completed
when further operations were arrested by intelligence received from Fred-
ericksburg."

As soon as the operations in the enemy's rear toward Fred-
ericksburg, where Sedgwick was pressing them, were over, and
Fredericksburg had been evacuated by the Union troops, and
Lee learned that our position was well fortified around the United
States Ford, it was deemed inexpedient for him to assail our
forces with less than the whole rebel army, which, as Lee says,
could not be concentrated until they were relieved from the
danger which threatened them in the direction toward Fredericks-
burg. Accordingly on the 4th (Monday) Anderson was directed
to join McLaws to impede Sedgwick's approach, the three di-
visions of Jackson meantime remaining in our front about Chan-
cellorsville. On the morning of the 5th the discovery was made
that Sedgwick had recrossed the river below Bank's Ford, had
taken up his pontoons, so that Anderson and McLaws were hur-
ried back to Chancellorsville. They reached their destination dur-
ing the afternoon of the 5th. They tell it that preparations were
made to assail us on the morning of the 6th, and that on advancing
their skirmishers they found that under cover of the storm and
the darkness of the night our armies had retreated over the river.

THE THREE DAYS BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG 55

The Three Days Battle of OettTsbui^.

Gettysburg has long contributed its epic story and added its
stars to the galaxy of distinguished warriors, and will for many
years to come be a fruitful theme in history for the school boy
and the statesman. Modestly for ourselves, but more for the
glory of our Commonwealth, we wish to add the record of our
part in the achievements of that world-famed battle.

On that ever memorable forced march from Emmitsburg on
the 1st day of July, 1863, we soon became aware that in our
northward move the time and place of collision with Lee's army
was imminently near, but his destination was uncertain. How-
ever, the reconnoissance of Pleasanton*s cavalry had made cap-
ture of a recent order by Lee affording valuable information to
Meade concerning Lee's proposed invasion of Pe^nnsylvania.
Meantime Stuart in command of the Confederate cavalry was
making his famous raid and his great detour and separation from
the infantry gave Lee some alarm. Meade's plan was twofold.
He kept in mind the protection of Baltimore and Washington,
and at the same time sought the whereabouts of the Confederate
army with the purpose of giving battle.

Early July ist, two brigades of our cavalry, under command of
General Buford, arrived in Gettysburg, much to the joy of the
excited citizens, who had been visited the day before by some
rebel soldiers. They had come in from the western direction,
appearing in the neighborhood of the Lutheran Seminary. The
object of their coming to town was to look for supplies, especially
shoes. After examining the town and its surroundings through
their field glasses they returned to Cashtown, about seven miles
distant, leaving their pickets within a few miles of the town.

Having in the meantime learned from some citizens, that the
Army of the Potomac was moving in the direction, Lee at once
ordered the concentration of his troops who were scattered in var-
ious places. On the evening of June 30th, they were encamped as
follows : A. P. Hill on the Chambersburg turnpike, with two of
his divisions near Cashtown, and the Third division (Anderson's)

THE THREE DAYS BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG 57

For the subsistence of his vast army after entering northern soil
he relied upon the forage of the country, and for that reason as
well as that of the concealment of his troops, his forces moved in
somewhat detached form. He was ignorant of the location and
movements of Hooker up to within a few days of the last of June.
Lee had touched over one hundred towns, villages and places of
encampment in reaching the fertile fields of the Keystone State.
His great army had come into the "Land flowing with milk and
honey." How rich a boon for those half -starved, emaciated
soldiers of whose condition their great General Longstreet, in his
"History of the Army of Northern Virginia," spoke in the follow-
ing words : "General Lee was actually so crippled by his victory
(Chancellorsville), that he was a full month restoring his army
to condition to take the field." There is scarcely a report of the
many made by General Lee, which does not make mention of the
direful misfortune which might overtake his army if cut off from
its base of supplies, and with great urgency commands all forage
not needed to be conveyed to Richmond with all surplus baggage
and equippage. He was now getting slowly into northern en-
vironments. The atmosphere was not as exhilarating as he had
hoped to find. The "genial gods" had not completed their work
for his early reception, and a raging storm was now threatening
his safety. Several incidents combined to give him a chill.
Thoughts of home (Richmond) the defenseless citadel he had
stripped to swell his marauding army, caused feelings of grow-
ing apprehension for the safety of the lives, the treasures, the
archives of the Capitol of the tottering Confederacy. The sym-
pathy and fleets he vainly hoped for, which were secretly con-
ditioned on his successful establishment of his army on Northern
soil, did not now seem so near coming his way. He was not
unaware that the Federal Capitol was relying on the Army of
the Potomac for its protection and in repeated appeals to his
Confederate dignitaries urged the organization of an army at
Culpepper with a double purpose of calling off Hooker from
the defenses of the Federal Capitol, and from an attack of Rich-
mond. Winchester and Martinsburg were at the time being held
by Hooker as outposts, and neither of them of g^eat defensive

58 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

value. Hooker, after a most successful parallel march, between
the enemy and the cities of Baltimore and Washington, faithfully
protected these important places and harassed the enemy's line
of communication with Richmond, a possible event about which
Lee was ever the most sensitive. For this purpose, however,
Hooker had dispatched Slocum in support of French (at Harper's
Ferry on the 26th) and now desiring to take more aggressive
measures respecting Lee's movements, applied to the audiorities
at Washington for permission to take up the garrison at Har-
per's Ferry and with the combined troops of French and Slocum,
attack Lee's rear, meantime preserving their own line of retreat.
Hooker's request was denied and he accordingly resented this
bold refusal and offered his resignation, which was accepted. On
the same day (June 28th) George G. Meade was appointed to
command the Armv of the Potomac.

On the same date (June 28th) in a communication of even date,
Jefferson Davis, President at Richmond, refers to a letter ixoai
Lee, in which the following words occur :

"I wish to have every man that can be spared, and desire that Cooke's
Brigade may be sent forward . . . if it is not needed at Richmond. I think
there will be no necessity for keeping a large number of troops at that
place, especially if the plan of assembling an army at Culpepper Court
House, under Beauregard, be adopted."

In answer to this and in keeping with the many other alarming
letters respecting affairs at Vicksburg, and other points at the
South, and of the safety of Richmond, Lee says:

**\\'ise's Brigade is as you left it, engaged in the defense of Richmond,
and serving in the country east of the city. The enemy have been reported
in large force at White House, with indications of an advance on Rich-
mond. Your advance increases our want of cavalry on the north and
east of the city. General Elzey is positive that the enemy intends to at-
tack here. Do not understand me as balancing accounts in the matter of
brigades; I only repeat that I have not many to send you, and enough to
form an army to threaten, if not capture, Washington, as soon as it is
uncovered by Hooker's army."

THE THREE DAYS BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG 59

There can be no doubt that these are among the strongest rea-
sons for Lee's pause in his northward movement. Lee had an
eye on the two cities — Philadelphia and Washington — ^but for
very timely information that Hooker had crossed the Potomac,
and was concentrating in a way to cause him alarm, Lee might
have had courage enough to continue his advance. It is reported
that this reverse intelligence was furnished him by some stray
countryman, and upon learning that some late dispositions of the
Federal army would endanger his rear and communications with
Richmond, had changed his mind. While his further stay in the
country amid blooming clover, ripening harvests, delightful climate
could continue to offer inducements to remain North, it dawned
on him that he might soon be sadly in need of ammunition from
what he could learn of certain maneuvers of the enemy ; and that
such useful articles as shot for heavy ordnance could not be
easily found in those peaceful regions. His promptness in facing
about was undoubtedly the culmination of some fears which the
wise generalship of the astute Hooker helped to create in his
mind. So far in the gigantic scheme of the infamous invasion, its
frustration is due to the brilliant "Fighting Joe Hooker," whose
name and presence had ever been an inspiration to the famous
Eleventh Corps, and of the Army of the Potomac. His resigna-
tion was his own suggestion, but the promptness of its acceptance
has left room for inference that the act was not a matter of re-
luctance on the part of the chief at the department, who could
always exceed President Lincoln in the art of severing men's
connection with the service.

The second part of the inquiry referred to has respect to how
Meade learned the intentions of concentration for battle at
Gettysburg. On investigation it appears that Hooker's scheme
of attacking Lee's rear in the Cumberland valley, had been put
into execution. To prevent such attack Lee decided to threaten
Baltimore, and with this in view ordered his troops to assemble
at Gettysburg, not knowing at the time that the new commander
Meade was intent on taking a defensive attitude, which became
evident when so many of his organizations were ordered to

6o HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

Frederick. Hooker (June 27th) informs Halleck, General-in-
Chief at Washington that on that date his army was posted as
follows : Three corps at Middletown, ten miles away, one corps
at Knoxville, two at his headquarters at Frederick, and the rest of
his infantry nearby. On the 27th, the day of his resignation. Hook-
er in plain language, boldly again demands the evacuation of the
garrison of Harper's Ferry, with a view of utilizing for other
aggressive work the troops stationed there. Addressing Halleck,
he says :

"I have received your telegram in regard to Harper's Ferry. I find
10.000 men here, in condition to take the field. Here they arc of no
earthly account. They cannot defend a ford of the river, and, as far as
Harper's Ferry is concerned, there is nothing of it. As for the fortifica-
tions, the work of the troops, they remain when the troops arc with-
drawn. No enemy will ever take possession of them for them. This is
my opinion. All the public property could have been secured tonight and
the troops marched to where they could have been of some service. Now
they are but a bait for the rebels, should they return. I beg that this may
be presented to the Secretary of War and His Excellency the President."

On the same day Hooker addresses another letter to Halleck
as follows:

"Major-General H. W. Halleck, General-in-Chief:

"My original instructions require me to cover Harper's Ferry and
Washington. I have now imposed upon me, in addition, an enemy in my
front of more than my number. I beg to be understood, respectfully, but
firmly, that I am unable to comply with this condition with the means at
my disposal, and earnestly request that I may at once be relieved from the
position I occupy.

JOSEPH HOOKER, Major General."

The appointment of General Meade is dated on the 28th, and
this able commander at once entered upon his new duties with
zeal and great and urgent dispatch. Meantime Lee had begun
the initial work of the concentration of his troops at Gettysburg,
which was destined to be the scenes of the renowned Battlefield.
Meade retained Butterfield as his chief of staff and at once had

THE THREE DAYS BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG 6l

every facility offered to gam a full knowledge of the former plant
of Hooker, some of the best of thenn being used by Meade. His
earliest movement in getting the reins of the great campaign was
to so distribute his forces as to head off the advance troops of
Lee in the direction of the Susquehanna river, looking to the pro-
tection of his native city, Philadelphia, as a remote necessity. So
far as Ewell, and his chief cavalry. General Jenkins, were con-
cerned, it does not appear that Philadelphia was as much their
destination as the City of Harrisbur^^, and possibly adjacent towns.
The only evil they committed at these places was their appearance
at Wrightsville, inciting thereby a great stampede and the burn-
ing of the bridge across the Susquehanna at that place. This point
was some thirteen miles below the Capitol of the State, but
near enough to also become greatly alarmed.

The effects of the rebel dash to this extreme point of the in-
vasion were more widely felt in the Union States than any enter-

A Canlr? Clurse.

prise in which Lee had been engaged in his hostile designs. How-
ever he could have engaged in no more sanguine work for the
downfall of his cause.

The cavalry are the eyes of an army. The ever vigilant Buford
saw in the movements of Lee's forces that a Jackson ruse of
some sort was about to be undertaken by the Confederates. Meade
was certain that Lee would attempt one of two plans : either ad-
vance north or attack our Capitol (Washington) and Baltimore.
Meade meanwhile formed a line of defense. His extreme left,
the First Corps, was at Marsh Creek, and on the Emmitsburg
road, while the 6th Corps (Slocum's), forming the extreme right,
was at Manchester, thirty-five miles eastward. The Eleventh Corps

62 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

(to which the 153d belonged) was now at Emmitsburg, ten
miles below Gettysburg. The Twelfth Corps was at Two
Taverns, several miles south of Gettysburg. It was at Taney-
town where Meade had his Headquarters at the date of his ap-
pointment to the command of the army in place of Hooker.
The Second and Third Corps were also with Meade, the latter
being under orders to go to Gettysburg at once on the first day
of the battle, and the Fifth Corps was encamped at Hanover,
about six miles eastward. The main part of our cavalry was
also in that locality. Meade spent the last two days disposing
his Corps to move northward in pursuit of Lee.

The concentration of Confederate troops was now speedily
ordered by General Lee, who was at Chambersburg, twenty-five
miles away. This was on the 30th of June. His series of columns
had at one time extended from Fredericksburg to Winchester —
one hundred miles. Meade's line was about 50 miles.

Buford having gotten on the ground early on the ist, decided
to resist the advance troops of Hill, and for that purpose had
advanced his videttes far to the northwest of the town. In the
fierce attack by the infantry of the enemy Buford dismounted his
men and engaged the enemy with much spirit, his skirmishers
and batteries doing effective work on H'lWs troops. Buford was
greatly emboldened in his heroic struggle by the knowledge of
large forces of the First, Eleventh and Third Corps that had
been ordered up from Emmitsburg. The Third Corp?, under
Reynold's, at Marsh Creek, having gotten an earlier start

was the first on the ground to support Bu ford's cavalry. Rey-
nolds, having been placed in command of the left wing of the
army, on the 30th, was chief over three Corps, Doubleday being
placed over the First Corps. Reynolds proceeded immediately
to the scene of the battle, leaving the details of calling in pickets,
and starting the Corps on the way. He arrived an hour before
Howard. He had invited Howard to Marsh Run on the evening
of the 30th, when all orders from Meade were read.

Buford had been engaged about one hour with the infantry of
Hiirs Corps (Heath's Division) before the arrival of the Federal

THE THREE DAYS BATTI.E OF GETTYSBURG 63

First Corps. Getting now very anxious about his support Buford
ascended the stairs of the belfry of the Lutheran Theological
Seminary to look in the direction of Emmitsburg, from whence
he expected infantry troops to come to his support. In la short
time he saw the advancing column of the First Corps nearing the
town. Reynolds, having gone on ahead of the Corps, soon entered
the town, and saw Buford in the steeple and immediately joined
him in a thorough examination of the ground which this elevated
position commanded, covering a vast expanse of the undulating
country in all directions.

The battle of Gettysburg was on. The Sixth Corps
(Meade's) was at once ordered up. The Eleventh Corps was
urged forward from Emmitsburg by forced march (memorable
with all the boys). The distance was between 10 and 11
miles and was covered in four hours and a half. Howard
hurriedly rode through the fields and over fences and when with-
in a mile of the town of Gettysburg sent Captain Hall of his Staff
to Reynolds for instructions. The troops had marched 20 miles
the day before.

The following is the record I made that day: "Marching
orders. Started at 8 a. m. Marched swiftly to Gettysburg:
through town, and immediately into battle. Reinforcements com-
ing on. Fought all day. General Reynolds killed. Rain part
of the day." An interesting item or two appears in the records
of the diary of the three preceding days: "Sunday, 28th. Left
Burkittsville at 5 a. m., marched to Middletown, to camp. In an
hour, or more, aroused and by 9 in the evening arrived at Fred-
erick. A fine day, passed through splendid country, abundant
wheat and corn crops. General Meade is said to be at the head
of the army." Monday, 29th, left the neighborhood of Frederick
early, marched to Emmitsburg or close by, till (by) sundown.
Passed through Adamsville. Encamped. A fine day." On the
30th appears the following: "Moved a mile beyond here. Lay
in camp all day. Rain part of day. Dress parade." The exact
hour of our arrival at Gettysburg is still in dispute. The three
divisions made a long train, and all did not pass over one road —

64 HISTOKV OP THE I53D RfiCT.

the Emmitsburg pike. Only Barlow's followed the 1st Corps.
Halt of the brigade and re^ment with which we were associated,
was made in the town. Our drum Corps and Band (occupying

11

1!

the front of the regiment), were dismissed at a gate of entrance
to a field on the extreme north suburb of the town. On the way
passing to the rear, I looked at the men as they passed me and

THE THREE DAYS BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG 6$

saw several of my acquaintances, all of them wearing a sad
countenance. I at once retired to the entrance gate of the
cemetery on Cemetery Hill.

Tidings of the beginning of the battle were forwarded, by fleet-
est horses and every means of communication, to every depart-
ment of the absent armies on both sides. Within the next twelve
hours the greater portion of the hostile forces were on the ground,
and the remainder coming on.

The location could not have been selected for a battle to
greater advantage. The most gigantic struggle of the war was
begun, the issue of which was awaited by every citizen of the
nation with bated breath. Darkness like a pall hung over every
home. The successive rebel victories at Fredericksburg and
Chancellorsville, and the recent reinforcements by the two di-
visions of Longstreet from the South, and the swelling of Lee's
army by conscript, had nearly doubled his forces. Tidings of
these army incidents had greatly enhanced the fears of the North.

With the permission of the reader we will now proceed with
the narration of the positions assigned our regiment in the prog-
ress of the battle, and refer to the accounts of the excitement of
the Capitol and of our Commonwealth, both of which were
sufficiently alarmed and stirred to activity to furnish sufficient
interesting and important recital in separate chapters of our
history, as will elsewhere appear.

In confirmation of the leading and initial movements which
took place just before and on the eve of the battle, I produce
quotations from the full and final report of General O. O.
Howard the commander of the Eleventh Corps as follows :

"On the evening of June 30, the First Corps, with the exception of one
brigade and the supply train at Emmitsburg was located in the vicinity
of Marsh Run, on the direct road from Emmitsburg to Gettysburg, and
nearly midway between these towns. The Eleventh Corps was at Em-
mitsburg. Just at sunset I received a request from General Reynolds,
commanding the First Corps, to meet him at his headquarters. He then
5

66 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

showed me the order from your headquarters placing him in command of
the First, Eleventh and Third Corps; also the circulars of the command-
ing general dated June 30, together with a confidential communication.
The purport of these papers was that a general engagement was imminent,
the issues involved were immense, and all commanders urged to extra-
ordinary exertions. General Reynolds and I consulted together, com-
paring notes and information, until a late hour, I then returned to
Emmitsburg At 3.30 a. m. July ist orders were received from head-
quarters to move the Eleventh Corps to within supporting distance of the
First Corps, which was to move to Gettysburg. I immediately sent an
aide-de-camp to General Reynolds to receive his orders. At 8 a. m.
orders were received from Reynolds directing the Corps to march to
Gettysburg. The column was at once set in motion, my first division, un-
der General Barlow, (Devens, who had been wounded at Chancellors-
ville, had not returned to the army,) following the First Corps by the
direct route; my Third, General Schurz, and my Second, General Stein-
wehr, in the order named taking the route by Horner's mill . . . the
distance by the direct route was between ten and eleven miles, and by
the other thirteen miles. As soon as the Corps was set in motion
I pushed with my staff by the direct road and when within a mile of
Gettysburg received word from General Reynolds, pointing out the place
where I was to encamp; but on approaching the town heavy artillery was
heard. ... I went to the top of a high building in Gettysburg, facing
westward. ... I had studied the position for a few moments when a
report reached me that General Reynolds was wounded* . . soon another
messenger brought the sad tidings of his death. This was about il.joa.m.

♦Note. — Howard relates the following to the writer in a recent conver-
sation with him : When within a short distance of Gettysburg he turned
to the left to the high ground by a peach orchard and saw that Wads-
worth was engaged. He then rode to Cemetery Hill, where Meysenburg,
a member of his staff, agreed with him that this was the only position to
assume. The name of the young cavalry officer who brought the tidings
of Reynolds' wounding to Howard while he was standing on the Fahne-
stock observatory was George Quin : the other officer who galloped up
and informed Howard of the death of the lamented Reynolds was Captain
Daniel Hall, of Howard's staff. This aide had been despatched by How-
ard at 10.30 a. m. to Reynolds to learn where the Eleventh Corps was
wanted, and on learning of Reynolds' death quickly returned and found
Howard on the observatory.

THE THREE DAYS BATTI.E OF GETTYSBURG 67

On hearing of the death of General Reynolds I assumed command
of the left wing, instructing General Schurz to take command of the
Eleventh Corps. After an examination of the general features of the
country, I came to the conclusion that the only tenable position for my
limited force was the ridge to the southeast of Gettysburg, now so' well
known as Cemetery Ridge. The highest crest at the Cemetery commanded
every eminence within easy range (here comes an important statement
referring to our command). I at once established my headquarters near
the cemetery, and on the highest point north of the Baltimore pike. Here
General Schurz joined me before 12 m., when I instructed him to make the
following disposition of the Eleventh Corps:

Learning from General Doubleday, commander of the First Corps, that
his right was hard pressed, and receiving continued assurance that his
left was safe, and pushing the enemy back, I ordered the First and Third
divisions of the Eleventh Corps to seize and hold a prominent height on
the right of the Cashtown road and on the prolongation of the Seminary
Ridge."

"About 12.30 p. m." the Generars report continues, "the

enemy was massing between the York and Harrisburg roads/'
that "quite a large number of prisoners had already been taken
by the First Corps," that we "were engaging Hill's Corps" and
that Longstreet would be up in a short time. '* About this time**
(12.30, the time given by my Diary) the head of column of the
the Eieventh Corps entered and passed through the town moving
forward toward the position ordered, (presumably the spot
where our Monument stands).

The arrival of the Eleventh Corps was quite opportune. Re-
ports were true enough that Ewell,* our old enemy, was coming
from the north and was massing heavily between the York and
Harrisburg roads. About this time news came that Longstreet
was coming to reinforce Hill on our left or front. Here soon
the entire force of Lee would be on hand to encounter the two
corps out of seven of our troops. Howard, with great military
alertness, perceived that both our right and left on the ground

*In command of Jackson's old corps.

68 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

which we had up to that time been compelled to assume, would
render a repulse of the enemy impossible. This often is the case
in the initial state of an onset. In view of such a disaster How-
ard halted Schurz and sent out strong skirmish lines, if possi-
ble to seize the position first indicated and in support of the First
Corps. Word was forwarded to Sickles and Slocum to make all
possible haste, and Sickles was requested to inform Meade of the
affairs. Howard, however, sent word direct to Meade about 2 p.
m. The position of the First Corps was at this time forming a
right angle with the Eleventh Corps. It was nearly 3 p. m.
when the rebel troops with strong artillery support came into view
in front of the Eleventh Corps facing north. It was a full half
hour after this before Sickles could be found by the messenger
sent by Howard. Up to this time Howard had been engaged
preparing for the defense of the very important point on Ceme-
tery Hill, for which purpose he had detained a few brigades, hav-
ing anticipated that this strategic position would be selected by
either side. All credit as to who made the selection, must be
given to Howard. The retirement of the flanked and vastly
outnumbered troops who had made such a brave defense on the
high grounds on the north of the town, during several hours on
the first day to Cemetery Ridge, showed in all the future actions
during the coming days of the battle, that the selection of this
pivotal Hill was undisputed evidence of the generalship of the
skillful General Howard.

From the writer's point of view it is not without significance
that the Eleventh Corps which was the first organization to con-
front the great flank attack of Stonewall Jackson in the opening
of the real battle at Chancellorsville, should be among the first
on hand at the beginning of the renowned Gettysburg engage-
ment, and be again at the very spot where the same old Jackson
Corps was about to assail our army. And it is the more re-
markable that this coincidence should occur immediately in front
of the position on Cemetery Hill which was looked upon by Lee
as being of the greatest importance and as the first to assault;
and from the same point of observation, that the disciplined.

THE THREE DAYS BATTtE OF GETTYSBURG

69

experienced, loyal, and conscientious Commander, who by
a lamentable, mishap had been so unfortunately posted at the
former battle (at ChancellorsviUe) should now occupy the pivotal
and very important strategic position of Cemetery Hill; and
find in his immediate front, and but 1600 feet from his entrench-
ments on the slope of the Hill the large division of Rodes, who
in the formation of Jackson's army at the ChancellorsviUe at-
tack was first in line of attack of the Eleventh Corps, and that
this Cemetery Hill, held by the intrepid Howard during the two
days of the fiercest artillery storm of the war, should be the

Copyright, 1894, by The Centi-ry Ga

I KUTTiA HewN*-

10 NouNO torn

Diagram of the Gettysburg Battlefield.

first main target before the rebel guns. It counted for some-
thing for our historic Eleventh Corps to occupy and hold the
very formidable position, the loss of which all critics agree would
have meant in all probability the ultimate defeat of the Federal
cause. For our Corps and the First Corps to retire to Cemetery
Ridge was a greater achievement than the gallant defense they had
made for hours on the Ridges beyond the town. This timely

yo HISTORY OF THE 153D REGT.

occupation of the Cemetery Hill by the 153d permanently secured
it against a well timed deployment of the rebel forces for its
capture in the initial stages of the battle.

A disinterested writer, Colonel Wm. F. Fox, in his able work,
"New York at Gettysburg," says: —

"During ail this time the Eleventh Corps was battling manfully on the
right of the Union line. When Early's division arrived on the Heidleburg
road it found Rodes' Division already moving forward to the attack."

Continuing this writer says :

"Seeing the necessity of holding the ground until an infantry force
could arrive, Devins ordered the Ninth New York Cavalry to support
the skirmish line, and forming the rest of the line as dismounted carbi-
neers, he delayed Rodes and Early until relieved by the arrival of the
Eleventh Corps. Early, having pushed Devins' skirmishers back, moved
forward against the Eleventh Corps with three or four of his brigades,
Gordon's, Hay's and Hoke's. He was joined on his right by Dole's
Georgia brigade, which held the left of Rodes' advance, but which ex-
tending beyond Doubleday's line, struck the Eleventh Corps. A battalion
of sharpshooters . . . the Fifth Alabama, was also on this portion of the
field. Confronting these four Confederate brigades were Devins' cavalry
brigade and five infantry brigades of the Eleventh Corps, — von Gilsa's,
Ames', von Amsberg's, Krzyzanowski's, and Coster's."

Here we quote a paragraph of great value to the 153d:

'^General Barlow, who held the right of the Eleventh Corps, and also the
extreme right of the line of battle, and advanced his division soon after
it arrived on the field, taking possession of a small hill situated between
the Carlisle and Heidleburg roads, Rock Creek flows along the base of
this knoll on its northeasterly side. Barlow placed von Gilsa's brigade
(to which the 153d belonged) in some woods along Rock Creek, at the
farther base of the knoll. (These woods have since been cut off). Gilsa
had but three regiments with which to hold the knoll. The 41st N. Y.
having been detached, leaving with him the Fifty-fourth N. Y., the Sixty-
eighth N. Y., which had been transferred to von Gilsa's brigade on the
9th of June. The Fifty-fourth N. Y. is the regiment that was posted on
our right on the brigade line in the Chancellorsville affair. The former

THE THRK DAYS BATTLE OF GETTYSBOBG 7I

of these two htul 351 men and the latter only 200, the two numbering
IcM than our regiment."

After the retirement of the 153d from the field they occupied
the first day, the position they were assigned to on the evening
of that day has been quite difficult to locate. Some references
to our regiment by other officers give slight assistance in the
search of our exact position. In the report of Colonel von
Einsiedel, of the Forty First N. Y., the following occurs,

"On July 2, at 4 p. m., six companies took position on the stone fence,
with the front to Gettysburg. One company took position on the right
of the square, and two companies were detached to Ihe front as skir-

c1 wldlcca drank on ■ dark night.

mishers. At 2 p. m. the regiment was assembled; moved, by order
of Col. Leopold von Gilsa, commanding the First Brigade, to the front
of the two batteries which were posted on a little hill, on the right of
the Baltimore and Gettysburg road, near the cemetery. The r^ment
had instructions to Mpforl the One Hundred and Fifty-third KegimenI,

y2 HISTORY OF THE 153D REGT.

Pennsylvania Volunteers in case of an attack from the front (Gettys-
burg) . In this position they remained under the heaviest cannonade until 5
p. m., when it received orders to take a position about half a mile north
from the above position, with the same front with the right wing of the
army; but the Rebel infantry being about to push back a division of the
Twelfth Corps, posted in the woods on our right wing, and threatening to
attack us in the rear, we received the order to move 1000 steps backward
and to keep the same front as before. The regiment was posted as fol-
lows: Five companies of the right wing connecting on the left with the
right wing of the Seventh Virginia Volunteers, which had connection with
the Fourteenth Regiment Indiana Volunteers; four companies under
command of Captain Henry Arens, of Company K, connecting on their
left with the One Hundred and Fifty-third Regiment^ Pennsylvania
Volunteers, Sixty-eighth and Fifty-fourth Regiments, New York Volun-
teers, and move on toward the batteries."

Gettysbxirg— The First Day.

We will briefly review the engagements of the three principal
positions — Cemetery and Gulps Hill, the Death Angle near the
clump of trees on the Ridge, and the Round Tops — ^in all the
maneuvers of the three days of the Battle these were the princi-
pal points of attack. Each of them was central to somewhat
advanced and important positions where assaults and defeats
alternating between the contending armies had much to do
with the issue of the general battle of those momentous three
days.

It must be regarded by any one acquainted with parts taken
by the various troops that the Eleventh Corps held a very im-
portant place in the engagements of those days, and that this
same Corps which opened the drama of the real battle on the
disastrous occasion of Chancellorsville, should be on hand the
first day of the Gettysburg battle, and stand in the forefront
of the spot considered by General Lee as of first importance to
assault. Second, that the very commander, the disciplined, loyal,
and conscientious General, who by a lamentable, unfortunate

GETTYSBURG — THE FIRST DAY 73

mishap had been so unfavorably posted at the former battle
should now occupy the pivotal and most important strategic
position — Cemetery Hill. And third, that in his immediate front
and but 1600 feet from his entrenchments (a distance similar to
that in the horrid southern wilderness) in front of that hill, the
same large division of Rodes, of Jackson's army, which con-
fronted him at Chancellorsville, should appear before the same
old Eleventh Corps. This strange convergence of armies could
hardly have escaped the notice of the commanders on both sides,
and just such a position of the contending men must have had an
inspiriting effect on all engaged.

As the Eleventh Corps arrived on the ist day, after its most
fatiguing march from Emmitsburg, it was immediately put under
fire. The position assigned it was wholly incidental. Schurz,
having just been placed in command by Howard (who by seniority
assumed command at the death of Reynolds), intended to push
forward skirmishers and seize Oak Ridge and connect with the
right of the First Corps in prolongation of the line northly, on the
Ridge, thus offering a strong position. Before Schurz could get
his troops on the ridge Rodes' division of Ewell's Corps appeared
on the scene with artillery in position to enfilade the line of the
First Corps. This unforeseen move of the enemy necessitated
Schurz taking position in rear and he deployed his two divisions,
Schimmelphenning's and Barlow's on the field and low ground
between Oak Ridge and Rock Creek. Meantime Ewell's troops
were forming in line from the right of the First Corps along
the Ridge extending to Rock Creek, eastward. In the forma-
tion of our two divisions, to confront Ewell's advance from the
north, Barlow and Schimmelphenning faced north. Thus form-
ing at right angles to Doubleday whose men were then facing
west. The first troops that arrived were Schimmelphenning's ;
two brigades under Colonel von Amsberg and Krzyzanowski.
These formed in double lines holding the left while Barlow's
division occupied the extreme right extending to Rock Creek,
von Gilsa's Brigade reaching to the Creek above named. The
rebel force to confront at this time were the troops under Hill

74 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

and Ewell. The troops on the Federal side were those of th
First Corps (Doubleday) and the Eleventh Corps (Schurz).

The forces thus engaged on that day were : On the Union side
infantry, cavalry and artillery, 18,400; the Confederate side, tota
27,300.

Gettysburg had been greatly stirred for several days before th
battle over the appearance of rebel cavalry in the vicinity, an<
gradually the town was preparing for the invasion.* The battl
of battles began at 9 a. m., July i, 1863, ^"^ ^^ been precede
by skirmishing within several miles on the northwest of th
town. Recent raiding of Stuart on the east and north-east o
Gettysburg, where he had encountered our cavalry under Kil
Patrick, and his disappointment at not finding Ewell any longe
at York caused him to turn north-west and coming to Carlisle, h
found the place occupied by Federal troops. After an unsuccess
ful attempt at taking the town he turned towards Gettysburg
having meantime learned that Lee was concentrating there an(
that our troops had met him, that a battle was already begun
He did not reach the battle field, however, until the next daj
the 2d.

The Eleventh Corps having arrived on the field at about I2.3<
was an hour passing through the town, having come by two road
from Emmittsburg. There having been a lull in the morning's en
gagement by the cavalry under Buford, it was about 2 p. n:
before the Eleventh Corps got into action. Howard was in th
tower of the Observatory about 1 1 a. m. when he learned of th
death of Reynolds. The engagement by our infantry under Rcy
nolds had commenced at 10.45 ^- "^- ^^^ ^he General's dcatl
(Reynolds) occurred at 11. 15 a. m., just 30 minutes after th
opening of the battle with his troops. Doubleday was immediate!;
placed in command of the ist Corps (Reynolds') and Howarx
placed Shurz in command of his (Eleventh) Corps. Howar

*The goods of the several stores had been boxed for shipment— car
having been kept in readiness. The majority of the citizens had vacate
their homes.

GETTYSBURG — THE FIRST DAY 75

was commander of all the troops on the ground from 11.15 a. m.
to 7.30 p. m. when Slocum, being senior, assumed command of
the field though Howard knowing that Slocum was the senior
had previously urged him to hurry up from Two Taverns (5 miles
away) and take the command of the forces until the arrival of
Meade who was at that time at Tanneytown twelve miles away ;
having just been appointed to succeed Hooker was very busy.

The first day's fighting beginning at 9. a. m. continued until 7
p. m. From 9 to 10.30 Buford was hotly engaged with dis-
mounted cavalry and battery. Wadsworth earlier in the day
had sharp skirmishing with the skirmish lines of Hill.
Telegrams from Gettysburg had informed Reynolds at

Marsh Creek as early as 7 o'clock that the enemy was approach-
ing the town of Gettysburg whereupon he immediately hurried
off to the scenes leaving orders for Doubleday to bring up the
First Corps as soon as possible. Meanwhile Wadsworth having
started with his division from Marsh Creek (6 miles below
Gettysburg) immediately in command of Reynolds, when within
one mile of the town Reynolds, having received the information
that the enemy was approaching from Cashtown, suddenly turned
the troops across the fields and struck the Cashtown road about
three-fourths of a mile west of the town arriving there about
10 a. m. Wadsworth states the following:

"The right became sharply engaged before the line was formed, and at
this time (about 10.15 a. m.) our gallant leader fell mortally wounded.
The right encountered a heavy force, were outnumbered, outflanked, and
after a resolute contest, bravely conducted by Brigadier General Cutler,
fell back in good order to Seminary Ridge, near the town, and a portion
of the command still nearer the town. As they fell, followed by the
enemy, the 14th N. Y. State militia, Colonel Fowler; Sixth Wisconsin
Volunteers, Lieutenant-Colonel Dawes, and Ninety-fifth N. Y. Volun-
teers, Colonel Biddle, gallantly charged on the advance of the enemy, and
captured a large number of the enemy, including two entire regiments
with their flags. . . . Major-General Doubleday, commanding the Corps
(ist) at that time, arrived on the ground about the time, or very soon
after. General Reynolds fell, with the Second and Third Divisions.

76 HISTORY OF THE 153D REGT.

The enemy advanced in heavy force on our right, and placed a battery
in position to enfilade the line, and I was obliged to order the right to
fall back to Seminary Ridge, forming the line northwesterly, and diagonal
to the Cashtown road. The two brigades of the Second Division were
sent to our right, and gallantly held the enemy in check for an hour,
capturing a large number of prisoners. I received orders direct from
Major-General Howard to hold Seminary Ridge as long as possible."

Here is the clearest evidence that Howard was in command.

Oiir corps being in position threw its force at once into the
combat. Its part taken is best given by the able disinterested
historian, Colonel Wm. F. Fox, in the following graphic words :

"During all this time the Eleventh Corps was battling manfully on
the right of the Union line. When Early's Division arrived on the
Heidleburg road, it found Rodes' Division already moving forward to the
attack. Seeing the necessity of holding the ground until an infantry force
could arrive, Devin (cavalry) ordered the Ninth New York Cavalry to
support the skirmish line, and forming the rest of the brigade as dis-
mounted carbineers, delayed Rodes and Early until relieved.

The engagement on this the first day lasted about seven hours. The
confusion incident to a day's battle, making up the intervals of actual
conflict. The fighting of the first day, judging by the ground gone over
and the positions exchanged, would indicate that at evening the victory
was on the side of the Confederates. It was the flush of vantage gained
from the retirement of the Federal forces from the positions on the north
and northwest of the town to the town itself which gave the enemy great
encouragement, and not until Lee had tried his well-laid plans of as-
saulting the extremes of our line on Cemetery Ridge did he despair of

success."

To give a satisfactory account of the operation of the 153d
Regiment would require a detailed narrative of the engage-
ments of the two Corps on each day. That this would make
our history too general for the purpose the organization had in
view in its authorization, must be at once obvious to all con-
cerned in the publication. Yet such is the meagre data which
the historian can find in the great mass of reports of the Corps as
a collective body when singled out as appertaining to the single

GETTYSBURG — THE FIRST DAY ^^

regiment, that the bulk of matter available for use in relation
to our regiment is so diminutive that its story would occupy
very little space. This is likely to be true of any organization
and will embarrass any candid historian. The only satisfactory
way open to the writer therefore is for him to give a synopsis
of the entire actions of the forces engaged in the battle covering
the three days of the conflict of Gettysburg. This I think,
after very careful study of the aims and desires of the comrades
will be the best course for me to pursue. The actual fighting of
our infantry, on the ground north of the town on the first day,
occupied less than two hours; and while our boys displayed as
much bravery as any troops on that field, it cannot be denied by
any critic that they were again posted to great disadvantage,
having been very unequally matched against a much superior
foe.

A more detailed account reveals that at noon General Buford
in charge of the cavalry, and who had engaged the enemy on the
north-west of the Seminary during the early hours of the morn-
ing, sent word to Howard that the enemy was massing in heavy
force between the York and Harrisburg roads some three or
four miles north of the town. This information came to the
commanding General about the same time that the Eleventh
Corps entered the town by its forced march from Emmitsburg.
Meantime the troops under General Doubleday had been heavily
engaged with the enemy on the left but soon the right of Double-
day was seriously threatened. This situation as observed by
Howard through his field glass was the more enhanced by the
fact that reinforcements of the enemy were coming from two
directions. Accordingly, Howard ordered that the Eleventh Corps
which had by this time been placed in command of Schurz should
at once, on its arrival, be posted on the right of the line of the
First Corps and facing the direction from which Ewell's army
was expected as reported to Howard by Buford. In this move
the Eleventh Corps was to afford relief to the First Corps.
Rcconnoiter in the direction of Ewell's advance confirmed the re-
port of his approach. General Meade as before stated was at

78 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

Tanneytown making all due preparations for the impending
battle which he had by this time decided would take place at
Gettysburg. He had meantime discouraged the bringing on %
general engagement. Howard sent him word of the situation,
and also dispatched a courier to General Sickles and Slocum
urging them up at all speed, advising them that a battle had
begun. At the hour of 2 p. m. Howard went over to the field
in person, making a general examination of the topography of the
land and returned to his place of observation. From Howard's
high position on Cemetery Hill he discovered a battery, between
the Harrisburg and Mummasburg roads, and from there a fire
was being directed upon the Eleventh Corps which had by this
time taken position on the higher ground above the Almshouse.
It was now nearly 3 p. m. The First Corps on the left was now
being also hotly pressed and the reinforcements did not arrive
in time and the enemy now closing in on the right flank of the
east of the line, and meantime heavy columns pushing back
Doubleday's left, the situation became very alarming.

The contest was fierce from first to last, but the force of the
enemy being nearly twice that of the Union troops positive
orders were sent for our men to retire to Cemetery Hill.

As the troops had about all come upon the grotmd by the
time the second day's battle was on, it will be of interest to
know the various Corps and relative strength of each which
were to take part in that great engagement. According to the
returns of the date, June 30, the following figures will show the
strength: Total officers — 6,629; men, 97,627; total, 117,930.
Of this number, those equipped for service 5,284 officers, and
71,922 men, a total of 77,208. The total reports at a later date
show 54,631 officers and men.

DEFENSES ON CEMETERY HII«L 79

Defeiuei on Cemetery Hill.
Mention is frequently made in the various reports of support-
ing batteries. It is important that we have a clear idea of the
location of the various guns, and of the particular points of the
enemy they were to be directed to. At first the cannon were
so arranged as to command the town and the roads from the
north-west. Wainwright's guns were those belonging to the First
Corps and were posted north of the Baltimore Pike in front of
the cemetery gate. The Stuart's battery (B, Fourth United
States, four light 12-pounders) across the road, so as to com-
mand the approaches from the town; then Weidrich's (I, First
Hew York Artillery, four 3-inch), Cooper's (B, First Pennsyl-
vania Artillery, four 3-inch), and Reynolds' (L, First New York
Artillery, five 3-inch), in all thirteen 3-inch guns, along the north
front. Some of these guns were so disposed that they could
be turned upon the battle of the first day. Fifth Maine, six 12-
pounders, Stephens' Battery, was posted about fifty yards in
front of this line, on an elevation from which could be had an
oblique fire upon the hills in front of our line, and a flank fire
of any close flank column. The gims were protected with slight
earthworks from sharpshooters. The contour of these works was
yet in a good state of preservation when I saw the grounds in
1892, but have since been leveled and beautified, and graceful
lunettes thrown up for the guns now in position.

The batteries belonging to the Eleventh Corps were those of
Osbom; Bancroft's G, Fourth United States, Artillery, six 12-
potmders; Dilger's I, First Ohio, six 12-pounders; Wheeler's,
Thirteenth New York, three 3-inch, excepting a few pieces
which had been transferred to other batteries. These guns were
placed in the cemetery grounds, to the north of the Baltimore
Pike. Speaking of the retirement of the batteries from the field
of the first day, General Hunt says: "The batteries passed im-
mediately through the town, and were placed with those of the
Eleventh Corps, in position on Cemetery Hill, so as to command
the town and the approaches from the north-west." By those
of the nth Corps, he meant the three batteries posted on Ceme-
tery Hill early the first day.

8o HISTORY OF THE 153D REGT.

That the reader may get some idea of the vast artillery force
in this campaign the following figures are given: Number of
guns, 320 ; men, 8,000 ; horses, 7,000 ; officers killed, 7 ; men killed,
98; officers wounded, 33; men wounded, 532; total missing,
67; horses killed, 81.

The enormity of the material used is shown to be: 32,781
rounds, an average of over 100 shots per gun. Many rounds
were lost by explosions. The supply brought up with the army
was 270 rounds for each gun. At the close of the three days the
Artillery Reserve had on hand enough ammunition to fight
another battle. Before the arrival of the Eleventh Corps Howard
and Schurz, standing on the point which the former had selected
as his place of observation near the cemetery entrance, decided
what disposition should be made of the troops of the Eleventh
Corps on their arrival (which was about 12.30 a. m.). Evi-
dently Schurz had already been informed of his appointment
as commander of the Eleventh Corps. On account of Howard
having come into command of the left wing (the Second, Third
and Eleventh Corps), both commanders were of the opinion
that Cemetery Hill was the final position on which the two
Corps, then engaged north of the town, must fall back in the
event that reinforcements did not arrive in time to support the
two Corps which were hotly engaged with the vastly superior
number of the enemy.

Nearly two months after the battle, General Carl Schurz made
his report. His division (Third) had arrived frcMn Emmits-
burg by way of Homer Mills. While on the route at about
10.30 a. m., he received word from Howard to hurry up his
troops as the First Corps was engaged with the enemy at
Gettysburg. Turning over the command of the division to
General Schimmelphenning, he hastened to the town and found
Howard on Cemetery Hill, where together they overlooked the
field of battle. Schurz states in his lucid report that he imme-
diately received word from Wadsworth, who was at the hour
commanding the First Division of the First Corps, that he was
making some advance on the enemy, but that he thought they

DEFENSES ON CEMETERY Hll^Iy 8l

were moving around towards the right, whereupon Howard sug-
g^ested that Schurz lead his Corps (Eleventh) to the ground im-
mediately on the right of the First Corps as soon as it made
its appearance on the field. It was not long before the com-
manding general through his aid ascertained that EwelFs forces
were coming down the Heidelburg road, and cannon were be-
ing placed by Ewell in favorable locations to shell the elevated
ground or ridge which had been pointed out as the objective
of Schurz's troops. On the arrival of the Third Division (Shim-
rnelphenning) it was ordered to push briskly through the town
skiid take position and deploy on the right of the First Corps in
^wo lines. As soon as the First Division, under Barlow, ar-
x-ived it was also rushed through the town and posted on the
»nght of the Third Division, its First Brigade (Gilsa's) to con-
x^ect with the Third Division west of the road known as Mum-
xnasburg, and the Second Brigade to post en echelon on the
r-ight and behind the First, but on the east side of the said road.
This was about 2 p. m. In this position the Brigade pushed out
strong skirmishers. Among these advance troops the 153d men
>vere engaged. The order was that they should go out as far as
pKJssible. Here the flanking of the First Corps by some rebel
"batteries above them on the hillside made it necessary for our
ttroops to change position. It was soon discovered that the
x*ight of the First Corps, on the left of our regiment was very
heavily pressed and a hard fight was in progress. Soon Schurz
<liscovered that his right was being pushed. All signs showed
tthat the enemy by this time were heavily reinforced, and threat-
ening his right. Our Brigade, (First) having been instructed
to take an advanced position, soon became engaged seriously.
Our right flank became dangerously exposed to a heavy force
coming in from the north-east direction. Schurz dispatched an
aide with all haste to Howard asking for a Brigade to come to
liis relief on the north-east side of the town near the Railroad
Station to meet any force which might work around on that
side. Barlow having meantime gotten so far out, became en-
tirely detached from the other parts of the line. By this time
6

82 HISTORY OF THE 153D REGT.

the rebel batteries from two directions opened on Barlow's di-
vision, included in which were the men of the 153d. It had now
all the appearance of a complete flank and that the division
was either to be enveloped by the strong numbers that suddenly
rose from the woods, or, the enemy had adopted the scheme of
throwing heavy forces around our left and right to cut us off
from the town. This disaster was near accomplishment, but for
the simultaneous falling back of the First Corps on the extreme
left (towards the town on the west side and the sudden falling
back of our advanced brigade). As by a common impulse the
commanders along the entire line saw the superior advantage
of retirement to the predestinated, formidable Cemetery Hill.

The falling back of this portion of the army to the east side of
the town and taking of their new and superior position was a
movement of the highest expediency, and did more to shape the
destiny of the general battle than any change of base which oc-
curred during the three days of the conflict. A victory on the
first day could not have been a complete one as judged by the
best military standards. There were no forces on hand to take
care of so great a conquest, to hold so large a force from concen-
trating on a part of the field much more disadvantageous to us
at that stage of the general engagement. The very force of
circumstances by which so small a part of our g^eat army became
thus early entrenched on the unassailable Cemetery Hill, and the
military accident of the non-arrival of either the Commander-
in-Chief or of several of the Corps, in time to support the
struggling two Corps during the first day, yet some distance from
the field, is, in itself, strong ground for belief that unknown
to any one, on that tragic day, an unseen hand was shaping the
events which bore victory to the cause of human freedom.

The brigade with which the 153d Regiment was associated
having been led out so far from the main line on the ridge,
and having been enfiladed by well directed batteries of the rebels
it was with great exertion that these, almost surrounded men^
were saved from complete capture. General Barlow was here
badly wounded and had to be carried from the field. The re-

DEFENSES ON CEMETERV HILL 83

port of his wounding and the death of Reynolds earlier in the
day came to the writer on Cemetery Hill some time during that
day. General Ames became the commander of the First Di-
vision, and remained with us during the following days we oc-
cupied our new position. The First Brigade (our brigade)
now "finding its right flank uncovered, was forced back also, not,
however, without contesting every inch of ground." Schurz
closes with the following account:

"At that moment it was reported to me that the right wing of the First
Corps had been pressed back, and one of Major-General Doubleday's aides
brought me a request for a few regiments for his assistance, which it was,
under the circumstances, impossible for me to do. I received also a report
from the Third Division, stating that it was flanked on the left."

At the same time Schurz received an order from Howard to
withdraw to the south side of the town, and to occupy the position
on, and near, Cemetery Hill previously chosen. The retirement
through and east of the town was attended with some confusion
because our men were not acquainted with the streets. Many of the
troops had narrow escapes and some were captured. The rebels
got into the town and established defenses by barricading the
streets. They held possession here until the 4th day, when their
retreat commenced.

The location of the regiment whose history I am tracing, is ex-
ceedingly difficult on account of the very sudden and frequent
changes which the service at that critical hour demanded. The
commander of the Corps has made special mention of the position
taken by the Corps on its arrival in the locality of Cemetery Hill
at the close of the first day. With these words he closes his
report:

"It was 5 o'clock when the Eleventh Corps occupied the position on
Cemetery Hill; the Second Division behind the stone walls inclosing the
cemetery on the west side; the Third Division immediately opposite the
town; and the First Division (ours) on the right. The group of houses
nearest the cemetery were occupied by our skirmishers. The enemy did
not undertake to attack that position, and the Corps remained in it un-
disturbed until the enemy resumed the attack on July 2."

84 HISTORY OF THE 153D REGT.

Brigadier General Adelbert Ames, commanding the Second
Brigade, at the time Bariow was wounded, given the command,
also, of the First Brigade, states in his report :

"An order was received from General Schurz, or one of his staff, to
occupy the outskirts of the town, but soon after the order came to fall

back through it the hill in rear of the town was occupied after

passing through the town, and in this position the division remained dur-
ing the following two days, the 2d and 3d. On the evening of the 2d an
attempt was made to carry the position we held, but the enemy was re-
pulsed with loss. Colonel Carroll with a brigade from the Second Corps
rendered timely assistance. The batteries behaved admirably."

The highest compliment that could be paid to a command was
given by Howard in the following words:

"On the 1st day of July, with the First Corps and Buford's Division of
cavalry, you held double your numbers in check from 12 m. until night
and thus opened the way for the victory that followed. On the 2d you
held an important position during the cannonade, and repulsed the enemy
when already within your batteries, and breaking through your lines. On
the 3d, the same post was strongly held under the severest cannonade of
the war. Our batteries, aided by our infantry, contributed a full share
to the repulse of the enemy's last attempt to drive the army from its
position. The Eleventh Corps, as a Corps, has done well — ^wcll in march-
ing, well in fighting; the sacrifices it has made shall not be forgotten."

THAT UEHOBABLE SECOND DAY

That Hemonble Seoond Day.

Every day has its predecessor, and in war the actions of one
day are best comprehended by the events which preceded it the
day before. The curtains of night had shaded the bloody scenes
of the previous day's horrors. Nine officers and 79 men were
among the killed and wounded from the fearful conflict of the
first day. The ground over which our brave men fought and
on which some of our noblest ones had died, was now in the
hands of the enemy whose lines ran through the town. The

Mirkcr ot the l}jd KcrI. Fool of Cemctccy Mill.

night of the ist was a sleepless one for friend and foe. From
survivors of our wounded who lay upon the field accounts have
been gathered as to the care of the wounded during that night
which was some source of comfort to those comrades who had
dear ones somewhere over the field upon which they had fallen.
The wounded received as much attention as is usual and possible
during the turmoil of a battle.

In the narrative of these events published during the fall of

86 UISTOBY OP THE 153D SECT,

1863, by two members of the regiment, William Simmers and
Paul Bachschmidt, there appears the following account :

"The wounded being cared for and the brigade reorganized, we were
ordered to occupy a position on the right of the cemetery, with instruc-
tions to support the batteries planted there and to hold the place at all
hazards. It was now 6 o'clock; the Aring had ceased, and the exdting
scenes of the day were followed by a comparatively quiet night.

The position occupied by us thai morning was, as already stated, at the
right, or east, of the cemetery, facing the loam. Immediately in our front
was Battery I of the First New York Artillery, while in our rear was
Battery B, of the First Pennsylvania, and a battery of the First Regu-
lar Artillery. Thus posted we patiently awaited the opening of the ball.
About 6 o'clock heavy firing on our left informed us that the contest had
commenced, half an hour later our whole line was engaged. Once begun
the cannonade was continued al long range during the greater part of the

Klcmnth Corpa Artillery.

day. Stretched at full length behind a low stone fence, the enemy's fire
did us very little damage, and up to the time of their linal charge we
were permitted to remain comparatively idle spectators of the terrible
scenes enacted around us.

The hour of four arrived, and with it increased the fury of the enemy's
fire. Shells were no longer thrown into our lines at long intervals —
they were now showered upon us as 'thick as hail.' Hundreds of cannon
w(^re belching forth their deadly missiles, while the very ground beneath
us seemed to shake. The enemy's shot and shells which, hitherto had
injured us but little, were now doing terrible execution in our ranks.
Everywhere men were seen writhing in the agony of death, while the
wounded were shrieking for help which no one could render them.

The enemy's lire was briskly answered by our batteries. Time and

THAT MEMORABLE SECOND DAY 87

again did they attempt to mass their columns for the final assault, when as
often they were dispersed. The intentions of the enemy to outflank us
becoming momentarily more apparent, a change of front became neces-
sary, and was accomplished with but trifling losses on our side. Nor was
the movement made a minute too soon, for hardly had we occupied our
new position than the enemy was seen advancing upon it in solid phalanx.
When the order to advance was given, and the contending armies met,
the shock and the scene that followed were such as to defy description. It
was no longer a battle. It was a hand-to-hand conflict, carried on with
the valor and vindictiveness of desperation. The arms of ordinary war-
fare were no longer used. Clubs, knives, stones, fists, — anything cal-
culated to inflict pain or death was now resorted to. Now advancing,
then retreating, this sort of conflict continued for fully three-quarters of
an hour. At one time defeat seemed inevitable. Closely pressed by the
enemy we were compelled to retire on our first line of defense, but even
here the enemy followed us, while the more daring were already within
our lines, and were now resolutely advancing towards our pieces. The
foremost had already reached a piece, when throwing himself over the
muzzle of the cannon, he called out to the bystanding gunners, 'I take
command of this gun !' *Du sollst sie haben,* was the curt reply of the
sturdy German, who, at that very moment, was in the act of firing. A
second later, and the soul of the daring rebel had taken its flight. . . .
Here our reverses ended. Determined to conquer or die in the attempt,
our men now threw themselves upon the enemy with a resolution and fury
that soon compelled him to retire. The batteries were saved. The day
ours; Chancellorsville redeemed."

This brief account, supposedly witnessed by the men who
wrote it is probably the best which can be produced, so far as
it concerned the part taken in it by our regiment.

88 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

Cemetery Hill the Great Center.

The opinions of the officers who had charge of the batteries
are of more value than many others on the field. One says:
"Captain Wiedrick was assigned on his arrival on the field, to
a position on the hill immediately in front of the cemetery en-
trance and overlooking the town On the morning of the

2d, I applied to General Hunt, chief of artillery. Army of the
Potomac, for a greater amount of artillery than we then had,
as our position was finely adapted to its use, and I did not con-
sider that we had sufficient to assist our small infantry force,
in holding the position if the enemy should attack us in heavy
force. In response to the call 32 guns were added to the cannon
placed on this important hill. . . . As soon as the enemy developed
the position he would probably occupy with his batteries, I placed
mine in position commanding them .... By this assignment of
artillery, I commanded with a reputable number of guns every
point on which the enemy could place artillery commanding
Cemetery Hill. I also occupied every point of the hill available
for artillery, and during the engagement every g^n, at different
times, was used with good effect, and the fire of no one g^m
interfered with another. . . .On our entire front the enemy held
a fine crest five miles long for the protection of artillery, at a
distance of 1,000 to 1.400 yards from us; but at the time the
heavy attack was made on the extreme left of our line, the
firing was very severe, and especially upon the hill. They en-
gaged the greater portion of our whole line, and from both the
right and left of the town much of the fire was concentrated on
our position, but we soon gained a decided advantage over them,
and long before the infantry struggle on the left was decided,
we had silenced most of their guns .... Between 7 and 8 o'clock
in the evening, a rebel brigade charged from the town, upon the
hill and upon Captain Wiedrick's battery. The charge was very
impetuous, and the infantry at first gave way, and the battery
was held for a moment by the enemy, when the cannoneers rallied
with the infantry, and seizing upon any weapons they could

CEMETERY HIU, THE GREAT CENTER 89

reach, threw themselves upon the enemy, and assisted to drive
them back."

It was also due to the cannon, which the 153d assisted so
bravely to defend and save, that did the deadly execution of the
advancing lines of Pickett in his famous charge on the afternoon
of the 3d. This is what Major Osbom has to say further about
that affair:

"And a few moments later the infantry of the enemy broke over the
crest from where their artillery had been playing, and made their grand
charge across the plain upon our lines. The left of the charging column
rested on a line perpendicular to our front, then stretching away to the
right beyond our view, thus offering an excellent front for our artillery
fire. We used, according to distance, all descriptions of projectiles. The
whole force of our artillery was brought to bear upon this column, and
the havoc produced upon their ranks was truly surprising.

The advance was most splendid, and for a considerable distance, the
only hindrance offered it was by the artillery, which broke their lines
fearfully, as every moment showed that their advance under this con-
centrated artillery fire was most difficult ; and though they made desperate
efforts to advance in good order, were unable to do so, and I am con-
vinced that the fire from the hill was one of the main auxiliaries in
breaking the force of this grand charge. But while the enemy was ad-
vancing, and after having been repulsed, I insisted that the artillery fire
should be turned intensely upon the infantry, and no notice whatever was
to be taken of the artillery."

While it would afford the historian great satisfaction to give
at least a synopsis of the engagements respectively over the
vast field during the three days battle, it becomes a perplexing
question as to whether such a course would be desired by the
comrades.

The main features of the conflicts in which our regiment took
part would make a more extended narrative if there had been
more reports from the respective officers. I trust, however, that
when the comrade reads these brief accounts which have been
gotten with difficulty, he will be charitable to the writer, and

90 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

content himself with the numerous narratives which have been
furnished by the several members. Some of these reminiscent
letters were longer than our space would warrant in the publi-
cation and have had to be reluctantly cut down; the most inter-
esting features have been, however, preserved and presented in
the language of their authors, which will make the articles all
the more natural and interesting. We sadly deplore the recent
death of several of the comrades who had furnished accounts
of their experience in the army with us.

To present more of the outlines, at least, of the positions and
part taken by our regiment, in the absence of exact information
concerning the individual comrade, the writer has sought out
the positions held by the division or brigade to which the regi-
ment belonged. Where such credit has been accorded the or-
ganization of which they were apart, I could but infer that our
brave boys, embraced in the number, were equally worthy of
the honors bestowed upon the regiment, as individual members.

Honor to Whom Honor is Due.

It is true that some regiments engaged at Gettysburg have
been more fortunate in receiving the honors bestowed, but that
is a matter for which we can easily account, as each of these
so well reported, by some surviving officer who furnished a
written account of the actions of his command. In many in-
stances these reports were not made until months after the
battle. Why these delays occurred does not always appear, while
some of them are without date except that of the year. It is
possible that the long period which passed between the battle
and the making of the record, was more favorable to accuracy,
than would have characterized the report if it had been made
the next day after the events. Many regiments that did noble
service have suffered the want of honorable mention because the
reports were lost. In the publication of State Reports the editors
have in some instances labored under great embarrassment, hav-

HONOR TO WHOM HONOR IS DUE 9I

ing been obliged to make up their history wholly from the re-
ports of the organizations with which they had been associated.
This is so nearly the case with our regiment that for the his-
torian to give proper credit to his command, he has been obliged
to resort to the less dignified method of showing what our
neighbors did in order to record individual deeds shared by our
own men by their side.

It is not infrequently the case that bodies of men associated
in a larger organization in an important engagement, receive
more praise than they would if they had been separately engaged.
It is equally true that in many instances the honor of a Corps
has depended more on a single regiment of its body, than on the
Corps itself. It is also a very generally accepted fact that on
account of the misconduct of a portion of a corps, the whole
body shares the odium of such behavior.

There is nothing so depressing to an army, and to its
commanders as well, as the unauthorized and garbled state-
ments by the newsmongers who undertake to conduct the bat-
tles for the country. Our Generals were all great and true
men. The displacement of commanders after an undecisive bat-
tle was not always conducive to the best results. There is
scarcely an important commander, who, according to the Gov-
ernment Reports has not felt obliged to complain of improper
treatment whether the complaints were well grounded or not.
Mainly these unpleasant occurrences grew out of criticisms by
parties seeking to hide their mistakes ; neither was it an uncom-
mon thing in the reports of associate organizations to create in-
ference that the results accomplished were due entirely to the
actions of the men responsible for the creation of such infer-
ence. Simply to say nothing of the good work of a company or
regiment by its side in a very hard conflict in which the enemy
was repulsed, has the semblance that the organization thus en-
gaged and reported is deserving of the whole honor. It could
have cost an honest officer very little painstaking while in the
act of making his report of the part taken by his command to

92 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

have made mention of such other bodies of men as were by his
side.

As to the newsmonger's audacity, and great desperation for
the want of exciting news, we have in the following paragraph
a very wholesome rebuke:

"Headquarters Army of the Potomac, June 19, 1863.
Major-General Halleck:

I have just been furnished with an extract from the New York Herald
of yesterday concerning the late movements of this army. So long as the
newspapers contintie to give publicity to our movements, we must not
expect to gain any advantage over our adversaries. Is there no way of
stopping it? I can suppress the circulation of this paper within my lines,
but I cannot prevent their reaching it to the enemy. We could well af-
ford to give millions of money for like information of the enemy.

JOSEPH HOOKER. Major-General."

The Government was continually harrassed with injurious and
unofficial reports respecting the conduct of the service in the
field. The country was eager for news and almost any sort of
intelligence from the seat of war was better than no news.
The sarcasm of which General Hooker was capable seems at
times to have served a very valuable purpose. An instance of
it occurred as in the following laconic telegram to the Secretary
of War on the i6th of June, 1863 :

"Honorable E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War:

li General Cadwalader has gone to Pennsylvania, please request him
to send information of the rebel movements to the south of there Also
please have the newspapers announce that I am moving on to the James
River line. I will mask my real movements in these parts.

JOSEPH HOOKER. Major-General"

"Washington, June 16, 1863.

Major-General Hooker, Fairfax:

General Cadwalader has not gone to Pennsylvania, but is here waiting
for orders. You shall be kept posted upon all information received here
as to the enemy's movements, but must exercise your own judgment as to

HONOR TO WHOM HONOR IS DUE 93

its credibility. The very demon of lying seems to be about these times,
suid generals will have to be broken for ignorance before they will take
t:he trouble to find out the truth of reports.

EDWIN M. STANTON."

Fortunately there were plenty of men in those times, who,
as occasion arose, could give direction to the forces which were
by an overruling Providence to carry the war to a successful
issue. There were hours during the momentous struggle of the
three days battle when appalling uncertainty rested like a dark
ck)ud upon the entire field. The military conditions of the
first day were anything but encouraging to the Federal com-
manders, and on the evening of the day the dispositions of their
troops were made under great difficulties ; the commanding Gen-
eral (Meade) having not yet arrived, but having sent General
Hancock to represent him on the field, had apparently slightly
disturbed the harmony of the chief commanders who had just
ended the operations of this the first day. Howard was the
Senior on the field, and undoubtedly assumed the position of
chief commander with the full confidence that his rank entitled
him to be the Commanding General in the absence of General
Meade. Hancock's arrival at 3 p. m., with the authority from
Meade to take his (Meade's) place until he could get there, was
likely to end in a dispute between Hancock and Howard, but the
noble impulses of their superior manhood in the awful environ-
ments of the fearful situation, moved them to a division of the
work before them. Howard said:

"All right, Hancock. This is no time for talking. You take the left of
the pike and I will arrange these troops on the right."

Slocum arrived at about six in the evening; meantime Han-
cock had returned to Meade 13 miles away, and Slocum being
Howard's senior was requested by the latter to take supreme com-
mand. At 5 p. m. Howard sent the following message to Meade :

**Gcneral: General Reynolds attacked the enemy as soon as he arrived,
with the one division, about 1045 a. m. He moved to the front of the
town, driving in the enemy's advance for about half a mile, when he met

94 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

with a strong force of A. P. Hill's corps . I pushed on as fast as I could, by
a parallel road; placed my corps in position on his right. General Rey-
nolds was killed at 11. 15 a. m. I assumed command of the two corps,
and sent word to Slocum and Sickles to move up. I have fougfat the
enemy from that time till this. The First Corps fell back, when out-
flanked on its left, to a stronger position, when the Eleventh Corps was
ordered back, also to a stronger position. General Hancock arrived at 4
p. m., and communicated his instructions. I am still holding on at this
time. Slocum is near, but will not come up to assume command.
Respectfully,

General Meade.

O. O. HOWARD, Major-General"

The slightest glance over the various reports as rendered by
the officers at this time cannot fail to impress the reader with the
sad fact that the relations of several men charged here with the
responsibility of affairs at this critical hour, were somewhat
strained to put it mildly. Some reasons existed. Slocum did
not hurry up his forces with the view of personally assuming
command, and must have known that in the battle thus far con-
ducted Howard being senior at the time, was in command of the
field. Yet for sufficient reasons he must have recognized the
fact that a division of responsibility was at the time shared by
Howard and Hancock, for he says:

**0n the morning of July I. the corps (12th) was moved to Two
Taverns (about four miles distant from Gettysburg) and remained at that
place until information was received that the First and Eleventh Corps
were engaged at Gettysburg, when the march was at once resumed, and
agreeably to suggestion from General Howard, the First Division was
put in position, on the right of our line, near Rock Creek. The Second
Division was moved forward as rapidly as possible, and placed, pur-
suant to orders from General Hancock, on the extreme left of the line.
The corps remained in this position until the following morning, when,
by direction of the commanding General, (Meade, who had arrived at
3 a. m.,) the Second was moved to the right of our center."

The second day opened bright and fair. The quiet but por-
tentous hours of the night just passed, who that was there can

HOKOR TO WHOM HONOR IS DUE 95

foi^et? At dawn the noise of battle is heard in all directions
where cannon were placed.

While rest was enjoyed by many weary men over all the
ground which must become the scene of the conflict of the sue-

96 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

ceeding days, the officers were sleepless. A council of war
was held early in the evening, and the contents of a circular
which General Meade had issued to the generals on that morn-
ing were fully and seriously discussed. It was plain to all that
the commanding General was not in favor of holding Gettysburg
as the permanent field of operations, and that the General's
opinion was honest but clearly enough based on insufficient
knowledge of the exigencies which had arisen, compelling the
army to take the offensive at Gettysburg. The majority of the

conference urged the expediency of remaining where they were
while some of their number had become convinced that the com-
manding General's plan would be the best — ^to concentrate on
Clay Pipe Creek. Meade had been charged to intercept Lee and
head off his invasion of Harrisburg and Philadelphia, and hav-
ing learned that the rebel army was returning from its object of
attack of those northern cities, he concluded to take more time
for preparation and concentration and as a possible base of rebel
attack had selected the location of Clay Pipe Creek. In fact
Meade did not at first approve of the Gettysburg site for the
battle, which fact a number of his ablest Generals shared. That
the contents of Meade*s order, or circular, to his subordinates
had reached Reynolds before his untimely death is not known,
neither could it have shaped the lamented General's plans to
meet the sudden attack of the enemy if he had been apprised
of Meade's wish. As an experienced General said on the oc-
casion : "This proves how often the plans of a general arc
frustrated by unlooked-for contingencies."

The details of the service our regiment rendered on the 2d
and 3d days are difficult of description, but that they were
among the troops who in very exposed positions lay behind the
stone-walls, on the skirmish lines and before and behind the
cannon in defense of the batteries planted on the most formidable
and important part of the crest of Cemetery Hill, is clearly shown
by the reports of the operations of the Brigade to which they
belonged.

The writer was on the ground during the days of the fierce

i

r
i

HONOR TO WHOM HONOR IS DUE 97

cannonading, assisting the ambulance corps in the removal of the
wounded which had been carried from the field to the Lodge
of the cemetery gate. Among these I have a distinct recollec-
tion of finding two of my acquaintances, Samuel Lantz and Philip
Ensley. I found John Koken near a fence where I dressed
his wounds and as soon as there was room for him had him
carried to the improvised hospital in the barn. The arched
brick building forming the entrance to the citizens' cemetery
^vas used at the time of tbe skirmishing on the front of the
earthworks where the batteries were located. The house and
its cellar was literally crowded with wounded men. Numbers
of them died and were temporarily buried, while the wounded
'x^'ere conveyed by wagons to the barn hospital. In the work
ODf removal of these men I returned each day under fire and
^hese visits to this high ground gave me a chance to make ob-
servations. I could only ascertain the whereabouts of my regi-
wnent by the few whom I had charge of, and judging from the
locality where these wounded comrades were found — immediately
mn the vicinity of the cemetery. I distinctly remember hearing
^hat some troops were coming to the support of ours which were
supporting the battery. Late reports as published give the name
^Df the troops as those of Colonel Carroll sent over by Hancock,
lieut. Moore (lately deceased) stated to the writer that one of
"•he hottest places he and his detachment of skirmishers were
placed in was immediately in front of the batteries on the hill.
One of the strongest lines defended by our boys was that of the
outer one of the several which were held in defense of our guns
on the elevated ground. Individual comrades have repeatedly
told of this fact ; and as our regiment was struck by the advance
of the rebel charge at dusk on the 2d and retired to higher de-
fenses, and also joined the infantry in the driving of the enemy
down the hill after repulse, it is quite evident that our men were
in the thickest of the fight of that day. Our regimental marker
is therefore located on the outer skirmish line occupied by our
detachments. Lieutenant Moore's reference to lying flat on the
ground behind a stone fence facing rebel skirmishers agrees

98 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

with the numerous references which commanders have made
respecting the days and nights of skirmishing. And of the rebel
sharp-shooters which did much more fatal work in the killing
of men and officers than the batteries.

There were thousands of these special marksmen scattered in
every conceivable spot from which they could pick off our gun-
ners and commanders. Our men frequently reported the dead-
ly work this sly detachment of the enemy wrought throughout
the battle. The fact that our men lay behind the stone fences
for thirty-six hours, and that some of our boys were captured
after having passed through the town is the clearest evidence
that the defense (of the batteries) which they performed, was
much of the time on the lower grounds in front of the cannon
•on the hill; and the fact that the writer saw members of his
•Company (F) immediately behind the arched building at the
•entrance of the cemetery is also conclusive evidence that the
153d Regiment was posted at one time with reference to de-
fending the batteries on higher ground. One of the witnesses
says it was after dark when the regiment returned to the ceme-
tery, or in his own language, "moved back to the hill." Among
these witnesses were Lieutenant Moore, John Rader, and John
Heiney. One of them continues his testimony that "As the
rebels fell back from the battery our men followed them down
to a fence and sent pickets out towards the town." Lieutenant
Moore gave the writer a long narrative of his experience car-
ing for a wounded Confederate while out on the skirmish line.
The suffering man received the kind treatment with much thank-
fulness and was greatly affected, even to tears. His actions
were those of a vanquished foe hoping for mercy, but overcome
with joy that such kindness should be extended to one who had
forfeited all right to expect it. Other testimony says: "The
regiment remained on the cemetery ground during the rest of
the battle." I cannot with exactness state the day, but think it
was the 2d, when I saw our men lying behind the fences, but it
was while I was nursing the wounded in the brick building that
shot from the enemy's guns struck the building and were im-

HONOR TO WHOM HONOR IS DUE 99

bedded in the wall. While passing to the rear of the building to
draw water from a well adjoining, the minie balls which flew
thickly ministered much to my fears of being hit. Their "zip"
was a swift reminder of danger and prompted a return to the
building with more than ordinary celerity. I usually took with
me a number of canteens as the large number of suffering men
required very much water with which to satisfy their abnormal
thirst, and to cleanse and alleviate their ghastly wounds. It was
in the Eleventh Corps Hospital in the rear of the First Corps
while in attendance, that I saw the death of Orderly Sergeant
John Seiple. He was taken with lockjaw from the effect of a
severe wound in the thigh. The meetings of citizens who had
come to minister to their friends and relatives, were the saddest
sights we were called upon to witness. Over 1500 wounded lay
scattered over that camp of prostrated human beings. My at-
tention was called to some special cases which were very af-
fecting. One poor fellow's groans and loud cries for help were
so distressing that it was enough to unnerve the stoutest heart
Hundreds were lying with but feeble, or in most cases with no
shelter, exposed to a cold incessant rain, against the sides of the
bam, and in an orchard adjoining the sheds. Their moans were
heard in every direction, and with a lantern I moved about from
one to another during the long hours of the night. I reported and
searched in vain for blankets to cover the suffering and dying.
Among the mortally wounded in the wards of the barn was a
handsome youth, a native of New England. His wound was in
the region of the chest, and at every effort of coughing the suppu-
ration was so offensive that to every one near him it was unen-
durable. I visited him as often as my urgent work upon others
would allow, and words cannot express the distressing pleas he
made for my assistance. The bam floor was constmcted with a
partition making it a double threshing floor, with bays on either
side. The maimed were placed with heads next the bays and the
middle partition leaving a passageway at the feet of the patients.
I had the care of about fifty men in the ward assigned me.
Soldiers of both armies were treated with equal kindness. While

lOO HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

all was done that it was possible to do on the first day or two, no
words can portray the pitiable condition, the more distressing
because of the insufficient means immediately at hand, to relieve
the large number of helpless men. The amputation work under
an open shed presented the most ghastly sights that could be
witnessed.

The Operations of the Third Day.

The battle of the third opened at 4 o'clock in the morning. The
3d day like the 2d also had its fiery predecessor. The work be-
fore our army on the opening of the day had been laid out by
the terrible assaults of the evening before. Both sides were ac-
tive during the night before making dispositions for the final con-
flict of the fatal 3(1 day. It appears that Lee was certainly or-
ganizing his forlorn hope, and about to execute the last act of his
great desperation. The extremes of our line had resisted his
full-armed assaults, and he had returned staggering to his for-
mer positions. His humiliation was increased by the great dis-
appointment over the miscarriage of his plans to have a grand
attack simultaneously of Ewell on our extreme right, and Long-
street's attack on our extreme left.

On the morning of the 30! the word was passed along that Ewell's
forces (Jackson's old Corps) had closed in upon Gulp's Hill,
and they were the troops that had created such a disturbance dur-
ing the night before. They had witnessed the defeat of the
boastful Ewell who had declared that he "would break our lines
on our right or perish in the attempt." Neither occurred, though
the assault of his great army against the line of the decimated
Twelfth Corps had so nearly enveloped Culp's hill that it seemed
miraculous that the first part of his threat was not fulfilled;
though the state of affairs at the close of the day were disheart-
ening and did not offer positive assurances of success for the
next day. I think both Seminary and Cemetery ridges had clouds
of dismay hanging over them; those on the Confederate side
being the Tieavier and of darker hue. The fiery ordeal through

THE OPERATIONS OF THE THIRD DAY lOI

which Lee's best troops had passed on the 2d day and evening,
had not been reassuring as to possible meeting with any better re-
sults in a renewal of an attack upon our lines. The night of the
2d had been spent by the officers in spirited discussion as to the
taking of offensive or defensive position on the morning of the
3d. The hour was fast approaching when some well defined plan
must be in readiness for execution. Many thousands of men were
lying behind stone fences and entrenchments on the long well-es-
tablished skirmish line to hold the formidable crest from Gulp's
Hill to Devil's Den, a distance of between two and three miles.
The positions assigned (in some measure supplemental to those
Howard and Slocum had already established) by Meade on his
arrival, were the Fifth south of the Twelfth, the Sixth, on its
arrival at 3 p. m. on the Tanneytown road in the rear of Round
Top. Other dispositions by the approval of Meade (having found
"them here on his arrival at 3 a. m.) were, on the extreme right,
Slocum (i2th Corps), and one division of the First Corps on
Culp's Hill, the Eleventh Corps on the round of Cemetery Hill,
^'ith two divisions of the First Corps next ; then Second Corps ;
then the Third and the Fifth Corps on the extreme left; the
Sixth Corps, as before stated, in reserve back of Round Top.
The formation as thus outlined had reference to offensive opera-
tions, but before Meade could decide on the hour of opening the
attack on Lee, the rebel guns were already actively engaging the
extremes of our line, a heavy skirmish encounter having been be-
gun as early as 9 a. m. near the Peach Orchard about a mile from
Round Top. It was the object of Lee to make a strong demon-
stration on each end of the Union line so as to weaken the center
by the removal of its troops to support the extreme points —
Culp's Hill and Round Top, and then advance a powerful infantry
force on the center with the object of cutting our army in two.

I mention these operations on the extremes of our long field that
the men of the 153d, who were the meanwhile (during the three
days) defending the batteries on Cemetery Hill, and had no
means of becoming acquainted with the fighting then going on
over the entire field, may have a better idea of it. The leading
commanders, who claim that the center and Round Tops were the

I02 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

key to the situation, and that the mighty repulses there enacted
were the crowning work that saved the day of Gettysburg, should
be allowed full credit for the honesty of their military opinions,
but in the review of reviews of the repeated assaults of the mighty
army of the South, in the final judgment of the unbiased military
critics the name of Cemetery Hill will be none the less luminoub
in the galaxy of events which crowned the victory on that world-
famed battle field.

While our men were sacrificing their dear lives in the trenches
of the contending armies, and were confronting a great and a
noble army of the enemy, they had very little knowledge of the
confusion and uncertainty of the overtaxed and worried com-
manders on whom so much of the success they were all hoping
for depended. The two armies stood about one mile apart, and
the mighty hosts of skirmishers who lay between in the trenches
for days and nights with but short reliefs and occasional variety
by change of position, were holding in their grip the destiny
of the Nation with undaunted heroism. The Nation can never
repay those men who there laid their lives upon the altar of their
country. Without those suffering defenders of our homes there
would be no meaning to that immortal speech on that blood-stained
Hill, November 19, 1863 — four months after burial here of the
thousands whom we left upon that sacred soil. Well did Lin-
coln say as the survivors with weeping listened to the words:

"In a larger sense we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot
hallow this ground. The brave men. living and dead, who struggled here,
have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. The world
will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never for-
get what they did here."

What a testimonial to your unflinching valor and long hours
of privation and suffering in those ditches but a stone's cast from
the resting place of the companions who fell by your side. Well
may the living from all over this land make their pilgrimage to
stand pensively at their graves.

The main work before the Union troops on Cemetery Hill on

THE OPERATIONS OF THE THIRD DAY IO3

the morning of the last day was the dispossession of the forces of
Johnson's division of Ewell's Corps which had encroached upon
General Geary's entrenchments during the night while he (Geary)
had vacated them the evening before to go to the assistance of
the hard pressed lines near the Round Top. Our artillery early
in the morning, having taken favorable position during the night,
began a terrific shelling of Johnson's troops, who had (fortunate-
ly for our guns) no artillery on Gulp's Hill. The reasons for
his being without the service of his batteries was that the only
place he could scale during the darkness was so steep and rocky
that he could not get them up. Just across from where our regi-
ment lay there took place one of the fiercest contests of the day^
and lasted between 4 and 5 hours. The troops engaged were the
old Stonewall Brigade, and that of Kane of Geary's division sup-
ported by a portion of Slocum's troops and resulted in re-estab-
lishing the defenses on Gulp's Hill and causing Johnson to retire
to Rock Creek, where he took account of stock and prepared to
remove to his original position by dropping back to the '*hill
north and west" of the town. Here he "remained until the fol-
lowing day, in the hope that we would give battle on ground of
our own selection." So far as the men of the 153d have given
information of the time they spent behind the stone fences and
entrenchments during the heavy cannonade of the third day, their
experience must have been of the most terrible character. John-
son, the rebel general, closes his report of his repulse by saying
that on his retirement he left about one-half of his troops on the
line doing skirmish duty. Dungan, a commander of a regiment,
states :

"Late in the evening of the 2d instant, it advanced in the attack on this
position, and bravely maintained its ground till within about ten paces of
the enemy's works, when, from its reduced numbers in ranks, together
with the strength of the enemy and his strong position, I ordered it back
about 200 yards. It went into action with about 210 men and officers, and
came out with a loss of 76 killed, wounded, and missing. On the 3d till
about 10 o'clock at night, the regiment held its relative position, about 300
paces in front of the enemy, when it retired with the brigade this side of
Gettysburg."

104 HISTORY OF THE 153D REGT.

These quotations and statements of the rebel actions before
Cemetery Hill, indicate clearly the kind of work our regiment had
to do in its exposed position on the skirmish line and around the
batteries, while 17,000 of the freshest and bravest men of Long-
street' si army were making the last great charge known as
^Ticket's Charge," — the final act in the entertainment of the
solemn situation.

Lying within hearing, if not in sight, of the strong position at-
tempted on the last day by the Confederates, our men were not
called into action but remained in the same skirmish duties which
had been assigned them the day before, and that they may now
be apprised of what General Lee failed to reveal to them of the
plans of the day, it will make it all the more interesting to our
boys to have it appear that so great a man as Lee paid so much
attention to them as to want all the information of their numbers
and what they were doing in the plain before him and what sort
of fortification was behind them on the rising ground for which
he had no name, but which is known and will for all time be
known as Cemetery Hill. This high crest was for all the hours
of the campaign the object of Lee's serious contemplation; the es-
tablishment of the Union forces on this highest part of the ridge
(which the 153d assisted to support) had become no less impor-
tant than any other point over that vast battle field. Speaking of
the outcome of the conflict of the ist day Lee continues:

"Our own loss was heavy, including a number of officers, among whom
were Major-General Heath, slightly wounded, and Brigadier-General
Scales, who was severely wounded. The enemy retired to a range of hills
south of Gettysburg, where it displayed a strong force of infantry and ar-
tillery . . . the strong position which the enemy had assumed could not
be attacked without danger of exposing the four divisions present, al-
ready weakened and exhausted by a long and bloody struggle, to over-
whelming numbers of fresh troops. General Ewell was, therefore, in-
structed to carry the hill occupied by the enemy, if he found it prac-
ticable, but to avoid a general engagement, until the arrival of the other
divisions of the army, which were ordered to hasten forward. He de-
cided to await the arrival of Johnson's division, which had marched from

THE OPERATIONS OF THE THIRD DAY IO5

Carlisle by the road west of the mountains, to guard the trains of his
corps, and consequently did not reach Gettysburg until a late hour. In
the meantime the enemy occupied the point which General Ewell designed
to seize, but in what force could not be ascertained, owing to the
darkness."

As history will require of us to be very candid, and a deep sense
of truthfulness impels us to the presentation of this great cam-
paign in strict compliance with facts as found in the reports of
both sides of the conflict, it follows that some remarkable and
perfectly unexplainable circumstances occurred during those days
of the fiercest hostilities which shut us up to but one rational
conclusion, namely: that an overruling Providence gave the vic-
tory to the Union arms. This statement, on the part of your
liistorian, is based on the several undeniable deliverances of the
federal army.

In conclusion allow me to produce the following instances on
^which the enemy had actually pierced and partly taken possession
of our most formidable positions. On the first day our two Corps
on the north and west were driven back and through the town,
leaving the ground strewn with our dead and wounded and the
town possessed and fortified by the enemy for the three days of
the conflict ; on the evening of the 2d day a portion of a battery
well posted and strongly supported by infantry on Cemetery Hill,
and very important entrenchments on Culp's Hill, had temporarily
fallen into the hands of the enemy; on our extreme left the
Peach Orchard, Devil's Den and Round Top had shared a similar
fate; the enemy on our extreme right at 3 a. m. of the morning
of the 3d, were holding an enveloping line starting near the Balti-
more road and swinging round to the north and east, running
westward through the barricaded town and stretching for miles
on the rising ground on Seminary Ridge, ending in the dense
woods swarming with Longstreet's on the southwest, on ground
from which Sickles' brave troops had been driven the day before.
On the fatal afternoon of the 3d all preparations having been
made by the desperate enemy for the final assault, the great
charge with all its horrors closed the drama of the bloody scenes

I06 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

of Gettysburg. Let us briefly describe this terrible struggle : Be-
hind the stone walls and sheltering earthworks composed of boul-
ders, fence rails, trees and native rocks, our waiting troops be-
held beneath them, a gray moving mass of 17,000 men just as over
200 cannon on the opposing ridges had slackened their thundering
roar, and when the enemy's advancing columns had reached within
a few hundred feet of our line of infantry, suddenly, and as if
from a new eruption of a volcano, a long and vivid flash broke
forth from our entrenched line, making a veritable wall of fire.
Space will not permit further details. General Hancock, Pennsyl-
vania's hero, before whose Corps the main assault was made,
gave a very full account, and from it we give a closing extract:

"The colors of the different regiments were now advanced, waving in
defiance of the long line of battle flags presented by the enemy. The
men pressed firmly after them, under the energetic commands and ex-
amples of their officers, and after a few moments of desperate fighting
the enemy's troops were repulsed, threw down their arms, and soagfat
safety in flight or by throwing themselves on the ground, to escape our
fire. The battle flags were ours and the victory ours."

We were honored with the association of many noble, cele-
brated organizations constituting the personnel of the Eleventh
Corps, and have been highly favored as a regiment, by the glow-
ing accounts of deeds our associated regiments performed by
our side. But for these (as we have elsewhere given credit)
the historian would have less to say for his own regiment.

In an address of James G. Carmichael, of the 147th N. Y., of
the Eleventh Corps, speaking of the men who were on picket
before their regiment on the disastrous 2d of May at Chancel-
lorsville, says :

"They had charge of the picket line the night before Jackson's charge
occurred, and until the afternoon of the next day . . . the pickets that
relieved ours in the afternoon of May 2d, were captured, and we barely
had time to regain our command before the whirlwind of battle was upon
us in the open field, with woods in front to protect our enemies, and our
men exposed on all sides to merciless cross-fire. This regiment (was

OBSERVATIONS BY THE HISTORIAN — CEMETERY RIDGE IO7

the 153d and) had been reduced by losses from 1000 men to (less than)
800 when they came upon the field of the ist day at Gettysburg. Here
their loss was very great, and they were our neighbors."

Observations by the Historian — Cemetery Bidge.

There is no portion of the great Battle of Gettysburg with

^vhich the writer is so well acquainted, as the high ground on

the south and southeast of the town. He was here a great portion

of the time during the 2d and 3d days and watched with great

interest to see the ascending smoke from the rebel cannon in

trhe region of the Seminary. He slept near by the spot where

Oeneral Howard had his headquarters. He stood on the very

spot where the General with his Adjutant, General Meysenberg,

^tood when he surveyed the surrounding country westward on the

"first day. It was to this spot, the Cemetery Lodge, (a cut of

^\^hich is shown) that General Howard rode after learning that

on account of the death of Reynolds he was in command of the

field. After giving orders to every department concerned he re-

"^ired to this high point. Of this event he says :

"This took but a few minutes, and then I rode slowly with my escort
"^o the high ground near the cemetery gate, where I established my head-
c^uarters. The cemetery had been already examined."

He also stood here when the following orders were given :

"(To Schurz) The First Corps is over there, (pointing westward) hold
that ridge parallel with this; Buford's cavalry, the most of it, is on the left.
Prisoners show that a large force of Lee is already there. Place all re-
serve batteries of your command on this hill (Cemetery Hill) leaving
Steinwehr's division to support them. Send to the right of the First
Corps north of Gettysburg the other two divisions (Barlow's and Schim-
melphenning's) to give support to Doubleday. The headquarters for the
day will be here."

It was in the magnificent plan of the Commanding General to
hold this Hill and as the sequel of the battle shows, it was the
posting of Howard's old Eleventh Corps on the ground where

I08 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

both the artillery and infantry could do most effective work that
saved that portion of the crest known in all history as Cemetery
Ridge. Howard says:

"I immediately determined to hold the front line as long as possible ; and
when compelled to retreat from Seminary line, as I felt I would be, to
dispute the ground obstinately; but to have all the time a strong position
at the cemetery, and one that I could hold until at least Slocum and
Sickles, with their eighteen thousand reinforcements, could reach the
battlefield; and possibly until the arrival of Meade and the whole army."

Following Lee's Betreat from OettyBbnrg.

A brief synopsis is all that your historian feels justified to pre-
sent. It would require reporting details of a month's campaign,
for it occupied nearly the whole of May to clear the State of
the Rebel army. The annoyances Lee received on his long,
wear>' march with his disorganized, disabled, demoralized, and
greatly discouraged troops, is without parallel in the annals of
the war.

Meade did not ascertain until the 5th, that the enemy was
withdrawing, for up to that time Lee had continued a bold front
for some time after his trains of wounded and ammunitions had
gone out the Cashtown and Fairfield roads. Immediately on be-
coming certain that Lee was retreating, Meade dispatched the
Sixth Corps on the respective roads over which the enemy were
hastily passing. Sedgwick (6th Corps) ascertained that Fairfield
could be held by the retreating army with a small force, deemed
it best to return and report that fact to Meade, whereupon Meade
sent a flanking force against Lee in the direction of Middletown,
Md., in the valley between the Bull Run and Blue Ridge Moun-
tains, and below Emmitsburg. French's army was then at
Frederick, a few miles east of Bull Run Mountain, and his orders
were to immediately cross over and occupy Harper's Ferry and
the Turner's pass. But French, the alert soldier he was, had
already sent over detachments to guard at Falling Waters and to
Williamsport to destroy the bridges. General Buford, the Stuart

U5T or DRUMMER BO

1. WinfieM S. Sn
4. CeotmA.Ecken

WELCOME HOME IO9

of the Federal cavalry, quickly hurried his men to Williams-
port, an important crossing of the Potomac, and also to Hagers-
town. Meantime Meade's main army had reached Middletown,
a.nd after procuring the necessary supplies and had gotten his
trains up. moved through the mountains and continued harassing
tlie enemy until he reached the Rapidan. Meade's army finally
encamped near the Rappahannock.

The point reached by the Eleventh Corps was Boonsborough
ajid Funkstown, when the 153d Regiment was dismissed by
''eason of the expiration of its term. The regiment had reached
f~f agerstown. Here von Gilsa delivered his farewell address to
he 153d Regiment. On the morning of the 14th the regiment
't3.rted for home, passing through Funkstown, Boonsborough and
^liddletown, arriving at Frederick City in the evening. The next
^3.y it took train for Baltimore, where it arrived at about 7 o'clock
ri the evening, and after enjoying the hospitality of Baltimore,
"etxirned by rail to Harrisburg, where the boys roamed the old
^3.miliar town on arrival at noon of the i6th.

The muster-out required a week, and early in the morning of
the 25th, having been discharged the day before, the regiment
left for home, arriving at Easton at 10 o'clock a. m.

Welcome Home.

The Welcome extended the soldiers of the One Hundred and
Fifty-third Regiment excelled any reception ever given an army
in the City of Easton. The 25th day of July was a day of
^Hrilling interest, yet to some a sad one. Thousands of the
citizens of the surrounding country thronged the streets to wit-
"^*^s the procession of returning soldiers and greet the dear ones
^^'ho had escaped the perils of war. The scenes of many of the
^^^tings were enough to melt the most stolid heart. Aged par-
l^'^^s, sisters and brothers, and shy, but joyful sweethearts, mingled
^^ the happy crowd. The homes along the streets were decorated
^^th bunting and everywhere were demonstrations of gladness.
**^e wounded in carriages presented a most pathetic sight. The

no HISTORY OF THE 153D REGT.

bands and drum corps never played so well. The military es-
cort was superb.

The collation at the Fair Grounds was the best the land af-
forded. The address of welcome was historic, and the narration
of the deeds of the returned soldiers was a fine memorial of the
patriotism of the brave men. The allusion to those who had
fallen in battle was most touching, and cast a shadow of sorrow
over the throng.

At the close of the exercises Colonel Glanz was presented, ii
an appropriate speech, by Captain Howard Reeder, with a beau-
tiful sword, which was gratefully acknowledged in a few briel
remarks by the beloved commander of the regiment.

The Beception of Company B.

At a county meeting in Bath, in the month of June, a Commit
tee of Reception was appointed. The men upon that honorabl
Committee were Caleb Yohe, Wm. Wilson and J. B. Sweitzer
These gentlemen were charged with the pleasant duty of arrang*
ing the details of the public reception. At that meeting th
battle of Gettysburg had not yet been fought, and all the m
of the regiment who had survived Chancellorsville were expect
home by loving friends. But who can measure the sorrow o
the circle to whose homes the anticipated meeting was turned t
grief. Language cannot paint it ; the gloom hung like a pall ove
very many stricken families.

The Roll of Honor of the Comrades who died in the Servic
will be some measure of compensation, though the vast majorit
of those who then mourned have themselves passed over the las
stream to greet the dear ones who never returned from the war

COLONEL VON GILSA's FAREWELL ADDRESS III

Colonel Ton Oiha's Farewell Address.

"OflSccrs and soldiers of the One Hundred and Fifty-third Regiment,
Pennsylvania Volunteers :

I cannot permit you to leave for your homes without addressing to you
^ few parting words. It is with the deepest regret that I see you mus-
tered out of the brigade, for, during your stay here, myself and the regi-
xnents of this brigade have become so fondly attached to you, that the gap
livhich your departure from this brigade opens, will be most deeply felt,
^tnd hard to fill again.

I must give you this testimony, and I do so with the greatest satis fac-
^on, that you have, on every occasion, done your duty in the fullest
.sense of the term; with the deepest devotion have you ever remained
:f aithful to the oath >ou had taken.

I am an old soldier, but never did I know soldiers who, with greater
.alacrity and more good will, endeavored to fulfill their duties. In the
l>attle of Chancellorsville you have, like veterans, stood your ground
.against fearful odds, and, although surrounded on three sides, you did
not retreat until by me commanded to do so. In the three days' battle
-at Gettysburg, your behavior has put many an old soldier to the blush, and
you are justly entitled to a great share of the glory which my brigade
has won for itself, by repulsing the two dreaded Tiger Brigades of Jack-
son. In the name of your comrades of the First Brigade and myself, I
now bid you a cordial farewell. Whenever you look back with pride
upon the time of your service, remember your comrades, who now part
from you with painful regrets. Think sometimes of your commander,
who ever will consider you as a dear member of his numerous family,
and who will always recollect with pride that you have given him satis-
faction and pleasure.

But remember, also, the braves in your midst, who fell on the field of
honor, who have sealed with their death the truth of the oath they had
sworn. Remember, likewise, the poor relicts of these fallen ones. Be
ever a friend to them in the hour of necessity, and evince your grati-
tude to the Almighty that he has mercifully shielded you, by taking charge
of the widows and orphans of your fallen comrades, by never forsaking
them, and lending them a helping hand whenever they need it. In the
same manner be a friend to the poor invalids, who, though sound and
right at heart, return to their beautiful hearthstones infirm and sick in

112 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

body. God will most richly recompense you for the good you do them.
Farewell, comrades, God be with you! Lovingly remember your com-
rades remaining on the field of battle, and your old brigade commander.

LEOPOLD VON GILSA,
Commanding First Brigade, First Division."
Eleventh Corps D'Armee.

The Regimental Flag.

A regiment should have two flags; one for the State and the
regular flag of the Nation. Our color-bearer was John Henning,
of Portland. His appointment dated from January, 1863. He
was in possession of the flag during the entire service of the fo-
ment and many were the days it floated in the breeze over the
tent of the Colonel. The staff was broken in the battle of Chan-
cellorsville. The colors stood over the rifle pits near the Chan-
cellorsville House before midnight of the opening day of the
battle, and all day Sunday, and was borne over the pontoons
on the night of the 5th, and reached the old camp ground with the
body of the regiment on the 6th. Its faithful bearer, whose photo
stands by the side of the old ensign, carried it in the battle of the
first day at Gettysburg, and on the evening of that memorable day
planted "Old Glory" on the ramparts of Cemetery Hill, where it
waved during the three eventful days of the battle. The flag was
sorely wounded in this battle. It led the triumphant command ia
its pursuit of the retreating enemy down to Hagerstown. It was
for many years in possession of the Colonel and the Lieutenant
Colonel and had often been displayed on special occasions when
the old regiment tramped the streets. It was always the idolized
flag of the loyal soldier and his many friends. When the old
colors of the regiments of the State were assigned a safe en-
casement in the Capitol at Harrisburg the familiar bunting with
its insignia of service and maimed staff was given a resting*
place among the honored standards of the Old Keystone State.
Though tattered and faded, and its form is a mere shadow of its
former self, its glory has not departed.

STANDING ON CEMETERY HII.L

Color-Bearer John Heimiiit.

Standii^ oa Cemeter; Hill.

Here on this spot, one of the three forming the pivotal center of
the famous Cemetery Ridge, the writer stood forty-six years
ago. Here nearly a half century ago the thunder of those hun-
dreds of cannon reverberated on these and the distant hills over
this historic valley of death. Here the most distinguished
geniuses of the age contested the disputed rights and sectional

114 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

issues of the greatest Civil, national strife. Here powerful armies
engaged in the decisive conflict. Here our fallen comrades *were
among the thousands who gave their lives for their country,
and consecrated these memorial fields and hills with their blood,
and covered the world-renowned arena with imperishable glory.
To this spot where our dear comrades lie, gathering generations
will continue to come to read the inscriptions on the marble and
granite marking the resting place of the Nation's dead ; the dead
whose deeds of heroism will continue to be commemorated to the
end of days. Here events occurred whose significance and glory
will last as long as these natural rocks and chiselled granite en-
dure. Here for centuries of all time the same stars that shone on
the mangled forms of our mortally wounded comrades during
those nights of awful suffering will keep sentinel over the ashes
of those who, dear to us, sleep here.

In many important respects this was the most salient spot of the
several prominent elevations of that vast field. The reasons are
abundant. From this spot General Meade made his careful and
earliest observations on his arrival on the morning of the second
day. General Howard makes the following reference to the
event :

"Slocum. Sickles and myself remained together that night (of the first)
near the Cemetery I odge and the good keeper's wife refreshed us with hot
coffee. A little after three o'clock in the morning. July 2d, General
Meade with his stafl came to where we were reclining and soon asked
me concerning the situation. I said. *I am confident we can hold this
position/ General Sickles, who was near, added in his dear shrill voice,
*It is a good place to fight from. General.' General Meade replied. *I am
glad to hear you say so, gentlemen, for it is too late to leave it' Meade
and I then rode along the lines behind the soldiers sleeping on their arms.
These lines were yet thin, but Meade said, 'The other corps are near at
hand.' We rode to the cemetery to the point where the soldiers' monu-
ment now stands, and while I explained matters. General Meade surveyed
the hill and its environments through his field glass as well as he could
in the early dawn. . . . Meade now saw for the first time the Cemetery
Ridge very like a fortification; on the north terminated by Rock Creek

STANDING ON CEMETERY HILL II 5

and near the right of us could be seen Gulp's Hill, a rough, rocky, wooded
knoll. Running his eye from Gulp's Hill around the curve of the
cemetery front and then turning to his left, he noticed the trees of Zieg-
ler's grove. Beyond that was the lower ground ascending southward to
an abrupt, rocky spur called Little Round Top. Beyond this he saw in
the distance the highest point of all, a more prominent hill covered thickly
with a forest, called Big Round Top. This outline which his eye had
traversed was like a great fish hook with the concavity toward him, the
barb at McAllister's Mill, the bend at the cemetery, and the shank extend-
ing southward along the stone wall to Little Round Top. From end to
end this line with its sinuosities was five miles long."

It was at this point where General Schurz met Howard on his
arrival in advance of the two divisions over the Tanneytown road,
and from here they surveyed the entire field on the north of the
town and settled the location the Eleventh Corps was to occupy
as soon as it should arrive on the ground. This point commanded
a range of five miles, east, north, and west. This central position
was the most important for either side to select in the initial and
also to hold in the final part of the three days' fighting. All mili-
tary critics agree that the gaining of this crest by Lee would have
doomed the Federal cause. From this point as possibly from no
other on the vast field our Eleventh Corps could redeem its ap-
parent lost prestige. It seems that the old Eleventh was pre-
destinated to be the pioneer Corps to receive the onslaughts of
the two great battles in which it was engaged, and hold back the
overwhelming Confederate forces until reinforcements could ar-
rive. This was all that any General could do under the circum-
stances in which our Corps had the misfortune to be placed on
the first day.

Il6 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

A Oenerars Testimonial.

General Slocum referring to the battle of Gettysburg at the
dedication of New York's monument said:

"The duty assigned to me to-day was to speak of the operations of
Gulp's Hill (near the foot of which the 153d had its position in defence of
those higher grounds) . Every Confederate report shows that on their
side it was regarded as of great importance. How near we came losing
it is shown in the report of General Ewcll. Speaking of operations at
the close of the first day, he says: 'The enemy had fallen back to a
commanding position known as Cemetery Hill. On entering the town I
received a message from the commanding general to attack this hill if I
could do so to advantage. I could not bring the artillery to bear on it,
and all the troops with me were jaded by twelve hours* marching and
fighting. I determined to take possession of a wooded hill to my left on
a line with and commanding Cemetery Hill. Before Johnson got up, the
enemy was reported moving to outflank our extreme left, and I could see
what seemed to he his skirmishers in that direction. I received orders
soon after dark to draw my corps to the right in case it could not be
used to advantage where it was. I represented to the commanding gen-
eral that the hill above referred to was unoccupied by the enemy, as re-
ported by Lieutenants Turner and Early, who had gone upon it, and it
commanded their position and made it untenable so far as I could judge.
He decided to let m( remain, and on my return to headquarters, after 12
o'clock at night, I sent orders to Johnson by Lieutenant Turner to take
possession of this hill if he had not already done so.

General Johnson stated in reply to this order that he had sent a recon-

noitering party to the hill with orders to report as to the position of the

enemy with reference to it. This party, at or near the summit, was met
by a superior force of the enemy, which succeeded in capturing a portion

of the reconnoitering party; the rest of it making its escape.

During this conversation with General Johnson, a man arrived, bringing
a dispatch dated at twelve midnight, taken from a Federal courier mak-
ing his way from General Sykes to General Slocum, in which the former
stated that his corps was then halted four miles from Gettysburg, and
would resume his march at 4 a. m. Day was breaking and it was now
too late for any change of place.

> tt

LETTERS FROM GENERAL HOWARD II7

In General Lee's report of the operations at the time he says
he had commanded General Ewell on the 2d day to attack the
right of the Federal position (Gulp's and Cemetery Hill) simul-
taneously with Longstreet's on the extreme left. (The writer
was eye-witness to the repulse of the rebels on the low grounds
in front of these hills). Between the clouds of smoke from the
musketry I could see men march, throwing up their caps and
shouting, in the charge. Ewell's attack was not made until one
hour after Longstreet opened on the south. The delay of Ewell
prevented him realizing how nearly he came capturing the works
our engineers were throwing up on the hills.

Letters from General Howard.

•*Newton H. Mack, Secretary.

Dear Sir:

I thank you very much for your letter to me. For some reasons I
had not seen before this time what Colonel von Gilsa said of the 153d
Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry. Certainly it is a very nice tribute
which he gave to the fidelity and gallantry of the regiment.

The right division at Chancellors ville was commanded by General Charles
Dcvcns. The brigade to which you belonged with a portion of a battery,
held the extreme right of his line. Of course I expected him and his
division to hold on until he could be reinforced by all our reserves. Surely
if every regiment had done its duty as well as the 153d Pennsylvania did,
according to Colonel von Gilsa*s report, it would have taken even Stone-
wall Jackson much longer than was the case to displace the division and
the corps.

I shall be glad to see a copy of the history of the regiment, and con-
gratulate you and the men still living upon the excellence of their record.

Very truly yours,

• OLIVER O. HOWARD,

Major-General U. S. Army."

To W. R. Kiefer, Historian:

"As you have touched upon Chancellorsville, let me say that Gen. Fitz-
hugh Lee told me that Jackson's lines would not have extended beyond

\

Il8 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

von Gilsa's right had he not from his (Fitzhugh Lee's) reconnoitering
ascertained the exact location. As soon as he did so he rode back and
guided Jackson a half mile northwestward. Jackson immediately re-
turned to his troops and marched his whole command at least a half
mile further, so that he must have overlapped von Gilsa's right by at
least a quarter of a mile. His lines were over two miles long. They
came toward us with an irregular rather than an elliptic front, as Col-
quitt's command did not participate in the first assault.

I could not answer with reference to which regiment was first struck,
nor which first retired. You have probably found the facts with refer-
ence to that. The right brigade supported Dickman's two guns, and, as
I understand, the 153d Penna. and the 41st New York were to the right
of this section of the battery.

Now for Gettysburg. I did notify Gen. Doubleday as soon as it was
possible to do so after General Re>Tiolds' death was reported to mc. It
could not have been more than twenty-five minutes after I received the
report on Fahnestock's Observatory, near the Court House, before
Doubleday had the information. I was in absolute command of the
field from that time, about eleven o'clock, until Hancock came, which
was between four and five p. m., according to the same record of time
which I had all day. I did not know that Hancock was actually in
command as he gave me no order whatever until I received Meade's
order, and that was after Gen. Slocum's arrival. I recognized, how-
ever, Hancock's authority, because, as he said. Gen. Meade had sent him
to represent him (Meade) on the field. I found some time after the battle
that Gen. Meade did not know of my arrival at Gettysburg until after he
had sent Hancock from him.

You ask, 'Did you select Cemetery Ridge?' My answer is that I
spent considerable time in reconnoitering after my arrival on the field,
while my command (the nth Corps) was coming up by two separate
roads. I saw clearly then that the Cemetery Ridge should be the place
for a defensive stand, and by Cemetery Ridge I mean the whole country
from Gulp's Hill to Little and Big Round Top. It is plain that I did
select the line from all my operations subsequent to Reynolds* death. I
put my reserve artillery there and also my headquarters, and Steinwehr's
division in support of the artillery, and then I hold the most positive testi-
mony of several officers now living who were with me, that I did make

LETTERS FROM GENERAL HOWARD II9

the selection of the position. The contention against me has been sim-
ply that somebody else suggested the position to me. Some say Rey-
nolds, other say a civilian residing in the city, but all this is simply not
true.

You say, *How long were you in command?' Everybody acknowledges
that I was in command five hours. After that Hancock and I worked
together without conflict.

'How long was Hancock in full command?' Two hours and a half,
for it was about 7.30 when Hancock and myself met and talked with
Slocum. At my request Slocum had sent up his two divisions long be-
fore that.

*How long was Schurz in command of the nth Corps?' From the time
of his arrival on the field until about 7.30 p. m., because I did not for-
mally resume command of my corps until that hour.

•Was Stahl in command ?' I do not know. We will have to look to the
Rebellion Records for answer to that.

You say, 'Where did the 153d take position?' On Cemetery Ridge, I
suppose you mean? On what I call the round of the Cemetery Ridge,
as I think, partly to the north of the Baltimore pike and partly to the
south of it. Von Gilsa's brigade was located in support of the batteries
near the position where the line turned from its northward to its east-
ward trend. I could not answer you in detail with reference to the ceme-
tery gateway. Doubtless your own recollection is clearer on that sub-
ject. It was near and east of that building where Sickles, Slocum and
myself waited for General Meade, having our headquarters a little apart
from each other.

'Exactly where did the hand-to-hand episode over a battery take place?'
A large portion of the brigade was between the turning point and Culp's
Hill, and the struggle for the battery was behind the infantry line.
Your regimental reports ought to tell you the detail which you desire
with reference to that specific conflict.

'Did the regiment have any part in the defense of Culp's Hill?' Lieut.
Col. Otto took three regiments with him — I cannot tell which three
without further search. Otto reported to General George S. Green on
the night of the 2d of July and participated in the defense of Culp's
Hill.

I20 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

Now returning to Chancellorsville, I think you are right when you say
that only about 700 of the 153d Penna. were in line; but I must refer
ior further detail to the Rebellion Records, especially to the regimental
reports. I understood that von Gilsa's whole brigade was on the north
*side of the old turnpike at Chancellorsville, that and the section of
the battery to which you have referred.

The above are the best answers I can make to the questions you pro-
pound to me, and I give them without giving the time needed to verify
my statements.

With reference to Chancellorsville, thus far I have never seen any

statement from any General as to what I ought to have done which I

did not do, except what has come from the pen of Gen. Schurz. The

simple truth is, that had General Hooker realized for one moment that

General Lee was sending the great bulk of his Army around his right

flank under the cover of the forest, he should have thrown the 5th_

Corps at once to fill the gap of more than two miles between my Corp^

and the Rapidan, that is, extended his right by at least one Army Corps.

This he doubtless would have done had he not believed that Lee was ii»-

full retreat. I sent to General Hooker the day of the attack, by swifts

horseman, every iota of information which I could get, and, as I under —

stand, his headquarters had information even more direct than mine.

Very sincerely yours,

OLIVER O. HOWARD,
Major-General, etc.. (Retired) .

Daniel A. Skelly, a merchant of Gettysburg, was a young maiB.
at the time of the battle, and has given the writer the following'
valuable information respecting the Eleventh Corps, and especially
items of rare interest to the 153d Regiment. Fahnestock's Ob-
servatory', from which General Howard made his observations
of the field northwest of the town on the morning of the ist of
July, is the store building in which Mr. Skelly now conducts
business, though some changes have been made in the building.
He was standing on the sidewalk at the store when at about 10.30
a. m. Howard rode up accompanied by his aides and stopped im-
mediately in front of the Court House on the comer opposite the
store. An aide dismounted and tried to secure an entrance to the
Court House so as to get to the roof for observation. Seeing

LETTERS FROM GENERAL HOWARD 121

:herc was no possibility of the Generars getting up Mr. Skelly
ran across the street and informed him that there was a small
3lace of outlook on the top of the store and volunteered to con-
duct the General and his aides to the top of the building. Mrs.
Ool. E. G. Fahnestock, Isaac L. Johns, Augustus Bentley and Mr.
Daniel A. Skelly, all of Gettysburg, accompanied General Howard
to the place of observation. R. M. Elliott, a resident, informed
the writer that he saw Mr. Skelly notify the General of the place
Dn the store.

Mr. Skelly continues: Howard received the notice of the
ieath of Reynolds while on the observatory and immediately came
lown and gave orders, one of which was to Steinwehr. He also
ent an order to the Regimental bands requesting them to play
ively airs. Mr. Skelly also states that Buford arrived on the
round the day before the arrival of Howard, and that his cavalry
ncamped beyond the Seminary, while Devin's cavalry encamped
eyond the Penna. College. Reynolds came through the town
etween 8 and 9 a. m. on the first. He saw him and his staff as
ley passed up the Chambersburg Pike. Buford made his ob-
ervations from the Seminary cupola. It has for a long time been

matter of uncertainty as to the exact street through which the
•"irst Brigade (to which the 153d belonged) passed when it left
he Emmitsburg pike. Mr. Skelly took the writer over the entire
^ound on the north end of the town and fully explained the
lany changes which since the war have occurred in the formation
►f building sites and the erection of houses and public buildings,
\y which the open field into which our regiment entered on its
irrival on the first day, is now largely covered by the improve-
nents of that side of the town. Our regiment occupied a front
>osition in the line as we entered the town. Our arrival was at
ibout 12.30. General Howard says:

''After 12.30 Barlow's head of column appeared on the Emmitsburg
oad. Leaving my Chief-of-Staff to direct matters at headquarters at
he cemetery, I took two or three of my staff and joined Barlow, and
-ode with him through Gettysburg."

This cavalcade of officers was particularly noticed by many of

122 HISTORY OF THE I53D B£GT.

the boys. The wounding of General Barlow occurred soon after
the death of Reynolds. The death of Lieutenant Beaver also
occurred about the same time of the wounding of Barlow. The
tidings of these serious losses flashed through the regiment in
the evening of the first day. General Barlow was reported to
be mortally wounded and his wife, who was at the headquarters
on Cemetery Hill, was kindly notified through the courtesy of a
rebel officer and she was conducted through the lines and ten-
derly ministered to her husband. Similar instances of fraternal
kindness are elsewhere reported by Lieutenant Jonathan Moore
and Captain Geo. H. Young.

Narratives of the Comrades.

From the numerous and often divergent accounts of the battle
of Chancellorsville rendered by officers and privates of many or-
ganizations, it becomes an immense undertaking for the historian
to get at the exact details of the battle. As it is the sincere desire
of the writer to be perfectly truthful and candid, and to be in a
measure relieved from the great responsibility of stating some
things which would not reflect credit upon some men who are
charged with dereliction, he has adopted the plan of allowing the
individual, wherever possible, to speak for himself. It is, how-
ever, very evident to the intelligent man that some discrimination
must be allowed the historian and that he is in a strict sense the
custodian of the integrity of the history as a whole.

The authorities of the State, who are charged with the respon-
sibility of the propriety and authenticity of these histories, will
require that the main facts which relate to the itinerary, service
of the regiment, and roster, be well substantiated.

NARRATIVES OP THE COMRADES I23

CoL Charles A. Glanz.

cj^'onel Charles Glanz in command of the 153d Regiment was
^^ time of the organization of the regiment a resident of Eas-
^^» Engaged in the brewery business. He was of German birth.
Wing received a College education at the age of 21, and occupied
important positions in his native country. He came to this coun-
try in the year 1845, preferring the advantages of our free in-
stitutions to any office under a monarchical government. After
spending some time in Philadelphia and Pottsville he came to Eas-
ton, where he entered his business in 1852. In 1857 he received
an appointment by President Buchannan, of consul to Stettin on
the Baltic. On his return from Germany he was elected Cap-
tain of the Company known in Easton as the Jaegers, his com-
mission by Governor Packer dating June, 1859.

Raised to war fever at the firing of Sumpter he was among
the first to respond to his country's call. To him belongs the
honor of being the first Captain of uniformed militia, who ten-
dered his services to the Government, and was accepted. On the
23d of April, 1861, he was commissioned Major of the Ninth Pa.
Volunteers by Governor Curtin, at Camp Curtin, Harrisburg.
Here he held the position of Assistant Commanding officer until
the regiment was ordered to Winchester. He participated in
the skirmish of Falling Waters, Virginia, with his regiment, and
on August 20th, 1862, he received a letter from the Executive
Office, Military Department, requesting him to raise a regiment
for the nine months service. Such was his popularity and prompt
action that on the 25th day of September, thirty-six days after
receiving instructions, his regiment, nine hundred and ninety-
one men, was on the way to Camp Curtin, and on the nth of
October was mustered into the United States Service. His Com-
mand was attached to the nth Corps, commanded by General
Franz Sigel. Colonel Glanz was with his regiment in the battle
of Chancellorsville, in which they suffered most severely, being
attacked by the enemy in very superior force, abandoned by their
support, the regiment was forced to retreat. In the great eagerness
of the fight and not hearing the command to retreat on account of

124 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

the noise of the fray, did not retire until completely flanked on
right, rear and left, they barely escaped capture. The Q)lonel, not
being able to move with the agility of the men, was taken
prisoner together with two of his officers and thirty-three of his
men. Being taken to Libby prison he was confined for a period
of forty-five days, was finally exchanged at City Point and re-
joined his regiment at Goose Creek on the i6th of June. His
presence once more among the comrades was an hour of much
joy.

From great debility occasioned by the prison treatment he was
unable to endure the march to Gettysburg. General Howard mean-
time ordered him to Washington, where under kind treatment he
sufficiently recovered to return home.

The regiment was mustered out of service on July 24th, and on
its arrival in Easton the Colonel shared in the great ovation. The
occasion will long linger in the memory of the survivors. The
pleasure of the reception was greatly increased by the incident of
the presentation of a fine sword, the gift of the officers and mem-
bers of the regiment. The Colonel died in the year 1880.

The following is a copy of a letter the Colonel wrote his wife
during his imprisonment :

"Libby Prison, May 20, 1863.
My dear wife:

I wrote to you on the nth and 17th this month, and I hope you received
both letters. Do not think hard of my writing but a few lines, for our
chances for writing are limited and the order is to write but 8 lines.
Every letter is read. I understand that to-morrow a boat under a flag
of truce will leave and I hurry to write a few lines. Perhaps wc shall
be sent off with it. but this is uncertain. A few captains and doctors
will however leave, and I take this opportunity to send this letter with a
heart full of true affectionate love for you my dear Elizabeth and our be-
loved children. I am well so far, but my heart wishes it day and night
that the hour of release and parole might soon come. As long as I am
well I shall not complain but await with patience the time to leave this
place. I wrote in both letters for a new suit to be made by Richards of
Dorter's blue military cloth. A blouse with 2 pockets inside and one

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 125

outside, and two rows of buttons. One vest with pocket inside, and a
pair of pants as usual. 1 repeat this on account that you might not have
received my letters. Whenever I shall telegraph for the suit, send a

conple of woolen shirts along, made to fashion, so that I can wear them
without vest on. My clothing I have on I have to bury (for reasons you
can easily inugiiK). Did you hear from Henry? If you write to him will.

126 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

you ask him about my horses? I do not know what became of them, and
whether they are safe with the regiment. Tell him to have them treated
right; and that Knowles should also know about them. I shall write to
you as soon as we land at Annapolis, or somewhere else. I hope you
will keep well, my beloved wife, and think often with a true heart of your
Charles, who loves you so dearly. Kiss our dear Sarah and Edwin in my
name, and be not troubled about me. Our Lord has taken me safely out
of the danger of battle, and I trust will relieve me soon from this un-
pleasant condition.

From your true, affectionate husband,

C. GLANZ."

Lieutenant Colonel Dachrodt.

The inborn military spirit and patriotic impulses of Lieutenant
Colonel Dachrodt prompted him to the organization of a Com-
pany in response to President Lincoln's call for 75,000 men in
the year 1861. This noble act of our Colonel had given him a
prestige which gained for him the esteem and well-placed con-
fidence of the men who early sought enlistment in the command
of which he should become one of the distinguished leaders. Great
honor will ever enshrine his name as it appears on the Ros-
ter of the State of Pennsylvania and of the illustrious County
of Northampton!

He iTever ceased his interest in the welfare and society of
the veterans who for nearly a half century ,were proud of his
record and name. He was a charter member of the Lafayette
Post, No. 217, of the G. A. R. of Easton, having been its first
senior Vice Commander in 1881. He was a member of the City
Council in 1853, and was elected to the Legislature of the State
in the year 1886. After retirement from the war he entered
business, in which he had a long and successful career, having
for all those years enjoyed the well-earned esteem of military
men, and moved in society a noble specimen of patriotic citizen-
ship of our loyal and historic city.

He died June 4, 1909, at his residence in Easton. He had

Lt. ColDDcl Jacob D*chto

NARRATIVES OP THE COMRADES 1 27

been confined to his bed since January. He had attained the
age of 81 years.

The Free Press of even date in a notice of his death says,
"On April 20, 1861, he enlisted in Co. B, First Penna. Regt.,
of which Col. S. S. Yohe was Commander, and re-enlisted for
nine months in the 153d Regt. of which he was Lieutenant
Colonel, and that he was wounded at Chancellorsville on May
2, 1863."

Letter from Major Fmeauff .

Headquarters of One Hundred and Fifty-third Regiment, Pa.
Vols., Camp near Brooks Station, Va., May 16, 1863.

Colonel Samuel Yohe, Provost Marshal of Twenty-third Con-
gressional District, Easton, Pa.

Colonel : Inasmuch as you are the power appointed to watch
over the interests of the Government at home, and to sustain the
army in the field, both by sending men forward, and by protecting
those in the same from the slanders of traitors, and the lying
tongues of misnamed friends, I take the liberty of sending you
a truthful account of the doings of the One Hundred and Fifty-
third Regiment, Pennsylvania Volunteers, during the unsuccess-
ful reconnoissance across the Rappahannock.

It, with the other regiments of the Eleventh Corps, broke camp
on Monday, April 27th, and marched to the neighborhood of
Hartwood Church. On Tuesday morning at four o'clock, after
a short night's rest, moved on to Kelley's Ford, arriving there
after noon. On this second day of the march, which you, as an
old soldier, well know is always the most trying, the regiment did
well, and the stragglers from it formed a very small number of
those brought up in the rear by the provost guard. On the same
evening at eleven o'clock, camp was broken, and in silence, our
corps was the first to cross the pontoons, and penetrate the dark-
ness and swamps of the southern side of the Rappahannock,
where but a few hours rest were given, when we moved on, pro-
ceeding, during Wednesday, to the Rapidan River, near Germania

128 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

Mills. Again, in the night, between one and four, in a heavy
rain, the Corps crossed upon a narrow and dangerous bridge,
momentarily expecting an attack, having had, during the day,
our rear harassed by some of the rebel artillery. Thursday, we
advanced along the plank road to its junction with the turnpike
at Peck's farm, cibout two miles west of Chancellorsville. Dur-
ing Thursday night full rest was given, and on Friday General
Howard made the disposition of our Corps in three lines of
battle. To the First Brigade, First Division, Colonel Leopold
von Gilsa commanding, was given the extreme right, and was
posted as follows : On the left, in the line of battle behind some
brush-heaps on the far side of the turnpike road, the Forty-first
New York \'olunteers in line of battle. Then the Forty-fifth
New York \'olunteers in the same line, and supporting a sec-
tion of artillery commanding the road. From the cannon and
the right of the Forty-fifth New York, at right angles to the
turnpike, through the woods and across a road leading into the
turnpike, supported on the right by the Fifty-fourth New York
\'oluntecr Infantry, stood the One Hundred and Fifty-third
Pennsylvania \'oluntecr Infantry, more as a close line of skir-
mishers, than a regular line of battle, being ordered to stand
three feet apart. In this position Saturday noon found them.

Information was brought that an attack was expected on the
right flank, and skirmishers were thrown forward into the woods,
who, about five o'clock in the afternoon, reported that the rebels
were massing and approaching. Hardly had the information
been brought in, and the line called into readiness, when the toot-
ing of numberless small bugles was heard, the whizzing of balls
began, and the explosion of shells over and alongside of every-
body clearly demonstrated that the rebels were in force, a fact
which the thirty-five cavalry men allowed for the protection of
the extreme right of the whole Army of the Potomac had here-
tofore not been able to discover.

The rebels advanced, closed in mass on the three sides of the
right with their whole force concentrated on the one point of
our long line, enfilading the brush barricade behind which the

NARRATIVES OP THE COMRADES I29

brigade was placed, and rushing over the cleared space in front
of the lines. After the first volley, the Forty-fifth New York,
accompanied by the two pieces of artillery, sought refuge in a very
rapid change of base, and soon after the Fifty-fourth New York
also retired. After both supports had withdrawn in mass, the
One Hundred and Fifty-third Pennsylvania Volunteers still stood
and as a regiment gave a parting volley to the enemy, which rebel
prisoners report to have fearfully mowed down the ranks of the
advancing First Virginia Brigade. Then the order to retreat
was given, and the One Hundred and Fifty-third certainly with-
drew for the purpose of having men left to fight again. Several
vain attempts were made to rally the retiring forces of the
Eleventh Corps ; but preceded on the retreat by the brigades and
divisions farthest from the enemy, it was impossible to find the
requisite cover behind a line of our own forces before arriving
within the lines of the Twelfth and Fifth Corps. As soon as
any, the First Brigade, and with it the One Hundred and Fifty-
third Pennsylvania Volunteers was rallied, and spent the greater
part of the night in throwing up rifle pits, and on Sunday morn-
ing were moved again into the front line of entrenchments oppo-
site the center of General Hooker's line of battle, where they
remained until Wednesday morning, when our corps covered the
withdrawal of his army to the other side. On Wednesday, in
the midst of a terrible rain and natural condition of Virginia
mud, we returned to our former camp near Brooks Station, where
we are rapidly recuperating our much tired bodies. From the
time we left Brooks Station until I rejoined the regiment I was
Acting Assistant Inspector-General on the staff of General
Devens, commanding the First Division. In my capacity of aide
I had very frequent opportunities by day and by night of seeing
every one of the regiments in this division. At all times and
under all circumstances, I found both the officers and men of my
regiment in the best of spirits, and no regiment in the corps
went more gladly to battle, or more cheerfully submitted to pri-
vations. During the engagement itself, I had but one distant
glimpse of the regiment, as I ordered up the Seventy-fifth Ohio
to the support of Colonel Gilsa, my position keeping me near

9

130 HISTORY OF THE 153D REGT.

Gen. Devens. Colonel Gilsa, however, himself every inch a
soldier and a brave man, although early wounded and bruised
by the fall of his horse, was during the greater part of the fight
immediately behind the regiment, and to me, as well as to General
Howard, in my presence, expressed the greatest satisfaction with
the behavior of his *new regiment,* as in every way brave and
soldierly, and his only sorrow is so soon to lose us by the expira-
tion of our time of service. On Sunday morning, hearing that
Colonel Glanz was missing, and Lieutenant Colonel Dachrodt
wounded so as to be unable to take the command, I asked leave
to return to the regiment and share with it all further exposures
and perils, and have since then been in conmiand of the same.
During Monday morning we had a very lively brush with a line of
rebel skirmishers on an opposite hill, and I had every opportunity
of seeing the coolness and determination nearly unanimously
evinced, and feeling proud of the spirit animating our North-
ampton County boys.

At such times to particularize would be improper; suffice it to
say that no "officer was shot by a private, and no private cut
down by an officer." Those who have fallen — and, alas! we
mourn a number of such — have fallen in the noble discharge of
their duties, slain by the hands of traitors ; those who have been
wounded, have received honorable wounds by the shots of rebels ;
and those who are prisoners are now in the hands of "our South-
ern brethren,'* not in consequence of their own faults, but by the
fortunes of war. Hoping this exposition may set to rest all slan-
ders, and assure every true and loyal patriot that he need in no-
wise be ashamed or should sneer at 'Colonel Glanz's regiment of
Pennsylvania volunteers/ and desiring you, for the sake of jus-
tice to your fellow-citizens now in the front rank of the army,
bravely battling for all they hold dear at home, to publish this
letter in all the newspapers of Northampton county.

Very Respectfully,

J. F. FRUEAUFF,
Major Commanding 153d Pa. Vols.

Taken from "Moore's Rebellion Record," Page 589, Volume 6.

n

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES I3I

Aoconnt of Dr. Stont.

Dr. Abraham Stout, a native physician of Bethlehem at the
outbreak of the Rebellion, offered his service, and became assist-
ant surgeon of the regiment, associated with Dr. Neff and Dr.
Kohler. Dr. Stout was popular with the boys, and always had a
kind word for all of them. In sickness he was faithful to them
to the last degree. In battle he was at his post. The account of
his efficient service is best told by the many comrades who knew
bim well. We have asked him for some account of the battles
ind have the following: "At Chancellorsville our Hospital Tent
^'as about 200 yards in the rear of our regiment. When we re-
reated we left the wounded in the Hospital Tent and the rebels
00k tent and all. We then established a Hospital in a brick
louse on the Chancellorsville side of the river. On the 3d we
noved our wounded across the United States Ford to a farm
louse back a short distance from the river. At this place the
jnemy shelled our ammunition train, but their shells fell short
ind the train moved out of range.

Dr. Neff was taken prisoner at Chancellorsville, was in Libby
)rison, was with the regiment only a short time, went home on
;ick leave to HoUidaysburg, and did not return to the regiment.
[ was the only surgeon with the regiment after Chancellorsville,
ind at Gettysburg I was taken prisoner.

Our regiment fought the Louisiana Tigers in the first day's
[>attle beyond the Poor House, and were driven back through the
town, and took a new position on Cemetery Hill. I was captured
between the Poor House and the town. Colonel D. B. Penn, of
the 7th Regiment of the Tigers, saw me and dismounted. He
walked by my side and asked me who I was and then told me I
was his prisoner, taking me to the German Reformed Church,
when he said to me : *You ought to take this church for a Hospital.'
I said, 'Yes, if it is not locked.' 'Well,' said the Colonel, 'if it is
we can soon open it.' But we found the doors unlocked, and took
jwssession. In less than half an hour it was filled with wounded
men. mostly Union men. I was in attendance there three days.
John Balliet of Company F and Charles A. Yoch of Company E

132 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

were detailed to assist in the care of the wounded. After the
battle we removed the wounded to the public school building back
of the church. The Union men occupied the first floor and the Con-
federates the second floor. Dr. Tate of Gettysburg had charge
of the upper floor. I remained there for about three weeks, then
had orders to remove all patients to Harrisburg, where they were
put in the improvised hospital in a cotton factory.

Captain Stout of Company F was prostrated with typhoid
fever while in camp at Brooks Station, and was not with the
regiment in either battle. He was a year or two recovering, and
in consequence his mind was somewhat aflfected, for a short time
after."

Dr. Stout states : General von Gilsa was wounded in the neck
and that he dressed his wound. He also saw General Devens at
the Hospital near U. S. Ford. The general's wound was so
severe that he was not able to accompany the Division to Gettys-
burg. At the opening of the battle of Chancellorsville Colonel
Glanz, Lieutenant Colonel Dachrodt and Major Frueauflf and
Chaplain Mellick were immediately in the rear of Company F.
The medical tent and Hospital were very nearly behind the line.
One hundred men were selected from the regiment for stretcher-
bearers, and were in charge of Dr. Yoch. The medical mule was
in the care of William Stoneback of Company F. Wlien the fire
opened there was no time to remove the Hospital tent nor any of
its contents. On short notice the mule with his panniers was led
out of the woods, but was wounded and captured by the enemy.

Seeing that the animal could not run on account of his wound,.

the driver seized a quantity of the medicines and destroyed them

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 133

Dr. J. P. K. Kohler.

Doctor John Peter Kern Kohler was born at Egypt, Pa., in
Lehigh county, in 1841. At the age of nine years he was sent to
Doctor Vanderveer's Preparatory School at Easton, Pa. He en-
tered Franklin and Marshall College at Lancaster, Pa., where
he graduated at the age of 17 years. He graduated in medicine
from the University of Pennsylvania at the outbreak of the Civil
War, and like all young men at that time whose first thought was
duty to his country, he entered the service. He made application at
Harrisburg. Out of twenty-two applicants but three passed the
examination, and young Kohler was one of the three. He was
made contract surgeon and had charge of all the hospitals at
Camp Curtin and Camp Capitol, and was in charge of three bri-
gades. He afterwards enlisted in the 153d Regiment as assistant
surgeon and served in hospitals under the command of the
Medical Director, and was given charge of all the hospitals of
the nth Corps encamped at Aquia Creek. He spent very little
time with his regiment, which was then made a subject of com-
plaint, but the Medical Director it seems had authority to detain
him. After the battle of Fredericksburg he was stricken with ty-
phoid fever and was sent to his home in Egypt. He recovered in
time to rejoin his regiment and assist in the care of the wounded
at Gettysburg, and was mustered out with his command at Har-
risburg. His death occurred in 1866, from a recurrence of the
same infectious disease he had been afflicted with three years
before.

134 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

Quartermaster S. H. Knowles.

Comrade Knowles was bom in Mauch Chunk, Pa., June 7,
1838. He was the son of Wm. H. Knowles, Superintendent of
the Lehigh Coal and Navigation Company.

He received his early education in Wilkes-Barre and Easton,
Pa., at the Academy of Dr. Vanderveer. Before the war he was
employed in the Prothonotary's office in Easton. He served with
the regiment in the battle of Gettysburg, after which he con-
tracted a fever which left him in poor health during the rest of
his life. He was subsequently returned to the position in the
office of the Prothonotary, when in 1871 he was appointed Deputy
Prothonotary in Sunbury, Pa. Later his health broke down
and he returned to Easton, where he served as town clerk and
assistant librarian until his death February 20, 1875.

Comrade Knowles was of a literary turn, and was a regular
contributor to the daily papers of that day. The above brief
sketch was furnished by his sister, Mrs. George H. Bender.

Chaplain P. W. Melick — Gleanings from Diaries.

Diary of Chaplain P. W. Melick.— "March 8, 1863, Lieutenant
Simmers was in mv tent a while. He said, 'I believe two-thirds
of the boys would re-enlist ;' he did not know that as he wotdd go
home at all ; he thought the matter of the war could have been
settled by peace measures, but that he now believed the South did
not want peace. On March 13 there occurred an episode which
might have had a serious ending, but for the intervention of C^>-
tains Oerter and Reeder. It arose over the incident of
the Chaplain's refusal to take a social glass with the
officers, who, with him, had been invited to the Colonel's
tent. It was an important meeting, being the occasion
of the inauguration of some new commissioner. As
the drinks were served (a custom which was popular amoi^^ the
officers) the Chaplain refused to accept that feature of the hos-
pitality extended, whereupon he was invited to take a glass of

>r George <5. Beam.

Vircbttck, QaartermHHer

NARRATIVES OP THE COMRADES I35

tvater. But this lie also declined. The reasons for declining were
sufficient, but apparently provoked resentment. The invitation
wras an act of courtesy; the refusal was also proper. The Gov-
ernor (Curtin) was invited to visit the Camp. Captain Frey, Dr.
KeS and Major FrueauflE were the committee to convey the invi-
tation. The Governor's visit occurred March 26th, and the occa-
sion was one of great interest to the regiment. The festive green
ot the forest never did more to suitably decorate a city of soldiers
than on this occasion. The Colonel was in gleeful spirits, and
•emarked that he would be ready to go out again at the expira-
ion of the regiment's term, and thought that two-thirds of his
nen would re-enlist. Dr. Neff playfully said to the Governor,
'The Colonel is all right, but he is a Democrat." "Yes," said
he Colonel, '*but I am not a Copperhead." The Governor was
nvited to walk through the Camp, and the regiment was formed
n dress parade, when the Governor delivered a speech which
ouched many hearts and made him many friends. Major Frue-
luff was placed on General McLean's Staff about April i, 1863.
5oth the Chaplain's and the writer's Diaries make a note of the
llness of Captain Stout. The Chaplain says, "Stayed all night
vith Captain Stout, Captain is very sick, I fear dangerously, he
laving had a relapse. He is now in the hospital. Lieutenant, I
hink, is better." *April i, General Howard took command of
:he Corps to-day. The death of Charles B. Shaffer occurred
\pril 7th. Surgeon Neff is sick in his tent. Henry Agnew wa^
:aken to the hospital April 8th. April loth, a grand review by
President Lincoln, wife, and little son. The boy rode a small pony.
The officers appealed to the Governor for the back salary of the
men on the 17th. On this day we had a sermon in German, by
the Rev. Mr. Hogan, from Nazareth. Prayer was offered by the
Rev. Mr. Rice of the 129th Regiment. We had Communion
C Lord's Supper) this evening at 5 o'clock. About 100 men re-
ceived the communion.

".April 27th. Marched toward Hartwood Church, distant 15
miles. Started at sunrise. 28th, left at 4 a. m., marched 15 miles,
arrived about 1.30 p. m. Tented in neighborhood of Mt. Holly
Church. About 5 p. m. Gilsa rode along the line, gave verbal

136 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

order to be ready in ten minutes. Lay on arms until near mid-
night. Crossed by 2 a. m. of the 29th, and drew up in line of
battle, marched about two miles, then rested until 9 a. m."

The crossing of the Rappahannock and the experience of the
next several days, including the battle, are elsewhere described.

We returned to our old Camp on the 6th of May, at the close
of the affair in the Chancellorsville forest, and now resuming
gleaning from the Diaries, the writer says: In accordance with
the wishes of Chaplain Melick we built a temporary inclosure
of logs and pine boughs for chapel service. We fitted it up in
good style and called it "Chapel Grove." We held our first meet-
ing in the new church, May 29, 1863. On the evening of the
31st, General O. O. Howard attended the meeting and made an
address which greatly encouraged all present. On June 7th,
Captain Oerter commanded the regiment. Glanz and Frueauflf
returned to the regiment on the i6th of June.

From the writer's Diary: May 5th. The regiment is still on
the South side of the Rappahannock. The crossing was at the
United States Ford. I assisted in carrying the wounded across
the river. A very heavy rain fell toward evening. I was all day
of the 6th on the road with the ambulance loaded with wounded.
We arrived at Brooks Station Hospital, the band having pre-
ceded me. I remained with them that night. The hospital
joined the band tent. The removal of the wounded from the
battlefield began on the 4th, a temporary' hospital having been
established in a brick house on the left side of the road from
Chancellorsville House to United States Ford.

May 17th, Sunday. — On this day it was reported that Stone*
wall Jackson died last Sunday. The intelligence reached us
through Dr. Junkins from a neighboring regiment. The doctor was
a brother-in-law of the deceased.

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 137

Captain Owen Kice, Co. A.

Captain Owen Rice, in command of the first Company of the
regiment, was conceded to be the most distinguished officer of
his rank, in the Command. His daring, special achievements on
the Chancellorsville battlefield, won for him fame of high order,
and gave him unusual prominence in military circles. His second
cousin, Chaplain Wm. H. Rice, of the 129th Regiment of the
State, now residing in Gnodenhiitten, Ohio, gives us a family
tracing of Comrade Rice, and speaks of him as having been a
fine worthy character. "His father," the writer says, **was Rev.
Edward Rice, President of the Moravian Theological Seminary,
Bethlehem, Pa., at the time of his death. Edward was the son
of Owen Rice HI., who was the son of Owen Rice II., who was
the son of Reverend Owen Rice I., who came to Bethlehem in
June, 1742. Captain Owen Rice was a very able man; his enlist-
ment was truly characteristic of him."

An account of this brave and noble officer will appear else-
where in our history.

Benjamin F. Shaum, ist. Lieut. Co. A.

I was captured about May 3d with some men on the skirmish
line in the battle of Chancellorsville, and was sent to Libby
Prison and was confined there about 29 days. I was then
paroled and sent to Annapolis where I was held about 5 days,
then exchanged and sent to my regiment.

On arrival at the old Camp, near Brooks Station, I found
my regiment had started on the march towards Gettysburg. I
followed it up with the baggage train and rear guard to Emmits-
burg where I caught up with the Command and took charge
of my Company A.

At Gettysburg I commanded my Company and was wounded
on the first day while on the skirmish line. And again I was
in the rebel lines three days.

138 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

While lying on the field a boy by the name of Aaron Meyers,
of Co. I, with a flesh wound in his leg, carried water to me. I
cautioned him to be careful but I understood he died in four
or five days.

After being mustered ouf I was taken to Easton, Pa., and
cared for in the U. S. Hotel for about three months with my
wounded leg.

On April 23, 1864 I was appointed Second Lieut in the
Veteran Reserve Corps and was assigned to the Seventh R^-
ment of that organization. At the time of the raid of General
Early on Washington, July, 1864, I served with my r^ment
in front of Fort Reno and Stevens with convalescents, teamsters
and department employees, rather a motley crowd.

After the rebels were repulsed, we were ordered to the War
Department barracks and did duty aroimd the old Capitol Prison,
and also the Navy Yards Prison, where were confined Mrs. Sur-
ratt and other accomplices of Pres. Lincoln's assassination. From
there I was sent to Trenton, N. J., under Major Newton, U.
S. Army, and was employed in conveying troops to various
regiments.

They were drafted men and substitutes. I continued in this
duty until July, 1865, when I joined my regiment at Washington
and remained with it until it was disbanded and the organization
discontinued.

On July 12, 1866, I was ordered to duty in the Bureau of
Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Land. While on that
duty on the reorganization of the state I made the regfistration
of Bedford and Botetourt Counties and held the election. Dur-
ing March, 1866, I received the brevets of First Lieut, and Cap-
tain of Volunteers for meritorious services. I was honorably
discharged and left the army January i, 1868.

NARRATIVKS OF THE COMRADES I39

Letter from lieut J. Clyde Killar, Co. A.

The march from near Fahnouth Heights, in Virginia, to and
beyond the town of Gettysburg, was a long and toilsome one.
The heat frequently was so intense that many of the rank and
file dropped by the wayside, some to report later on, others now
camping in what is known in the National Cemetery as the "un-
known dead'' who were gathered there several months after-
wards, with those who had fallen in battle.

On the night we reached Winchester there seemed to be a
mistake about going into camp. The brigade would halt and
then start, possibly making a mile and then halt again. This
movement would be repeated over and over again. A laughable
incident was noticed while the occurrences were taking place. A
soldier by the name of Jemison, who was a cook for Captain
Howell's headquarters, and who had succeeded in getting quite
a supply of fence boards to start his camp fires with. It was con«
siderable of a load and after the third order had been given to
forward, he threw them down in disgust and swore he would
carry them no Ipnger, when "halt" was sounded he went back
and got them again. No sooner had "forward" been ordered
again, when down he threw them, and for several minutes the
volume of epithets that poured forth would not have been suit-
able for the uplift of Christianity. When the Pennsylvania line
was reached and crossed, what glad shouts went up from the
Keystone boys, of "home again." Alas, how many never left
it, but lie now mouldering in that silent city of her beloved dead I

On the night of June 30, I was ordered out with part of my
company, and some of Company F men on the picket line. Or-
ders were to fire on any one, or force appearing in front, and
not to demand the giving of the countersign. It was a murky,
misty night, and not liking the looks of what I thought was sus-
picious in front of my line, I told the boys I would scout out in
front to see if there were any Johnnies there, and that on my
return I would be whistling "Yankee Doodle" softly so they
would know who it was; but when half way back, the firing
commenced on the left of the line, and .hearing the rush com-

140 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

ing through the cornfield, and thinking it was cavalry, and know-
ing my men would also commence firing to prevent a break
through, I admit, candidly, that I forgot all about my whistling
"Yankee Doodle/' and got back into line far quicker than when
I went out. The laugh was on us when day light came, as the
numerous dead in our front was seen to be not rebels, but inno-
cent sheep, which would not even bite a Union soldier.

Rations had been issued during the night at the regimental head-
quarters, and having hurried forward to join the regiment, those
of my men who had been on picket, went through that battle with
what little they could beg from others. Let me state here, that
with but one single exception, there was no complaint made to
me about it, whatsoever. As the regiment was on the march
when I joined it, this threw the picket detail in the rear. After
the town was passed, the line of battle was being formed, and
through somebody's error, the color division was ordered out on
the skirmish line. This was wrong, as Companies A and F were
the proper divisions to go. In rectifying the mistake, a slight
confusion occurred. Right here I remember several things dis-
tinctly. In right filing my men on the double quick, then when
the front was clear, by the left flank into position, as I passed the
right flank of Co. D, I saw Brave Beaver killed while in the act
of repeating his Captain Howell's command of "Forward, men.
Forward I" A moment afterwards, a rebel shell passed in front
of me; the swing of its fuse, striking me across the face. The
skirmish line, when formed, ran through a small piece of timber
with the ground sloping down toward Rock Creek; the under-
brush was also heavy ; the line of battle had been formed on the
brow of a hill some three or four hundred feet behind us. The
fact was soon ascertained that we were being fired on, front and
right flank. Accidentally, we had got into an angle of General
John B. Gordon's Corps. About this time, if I remember rightly.
Sergeant Keifer of my Company, reported the woods in front
of us was being massed with men behind the thickets for a
charge, and that by crouching down, I could see their legs up to
their knees. I did so, and saw the force was a large one. I ran
back up the slope to report the fact, when I met Adj. Reeder

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES I4I

with drawn sword, who said, '*Go back and hold your line at all
hazards." I told him it was useless as the force massing in front
was a heavy one. I then happened to look up and asked him,
"Where is our battle line?" He looked and remarked: "It's
gone. Get yourselves out the best you can; report at Cemetery
Hill," and we surely got. I also remember that in retreating, I
noticed Lieut. Yeager, who had gone down with a terrible
wound, having been shot through the hip, urging his men to
retreat or they would be taken prisoners.

Another incident: The next day, while on the skirmish line,
Lieut. Barnes and myself were standing under a small tree and
discussing how soon the Louisiana Tigers we had discovered
lying in a depression in the ground at our front, would charge us.
About this time something came sailing along through the air,
that had not the familiar sound of a shell, and I remarked to him,
"I think that must be a piece of iron." As it passed through the
tree tops, it broke oflF a limb about an inch thick and as this
dropped to the ground it knocked Barnes' cap off. "I think it
was iron, Miller," he remarked, "and the next thing they will be
throwing blacksmith shops." As expected, after sundown, along
came the Tigers, with many others, charging in two lines deep.
When near enough the skirmish line fired, fell back its usual
distance, loading as it went, and then halted and fired again, and
at the command, retreated on the double quick to the line of
battle at Cemetery Hill. The regiment had moved farther to-
ward the left than when we had left. This threw us amongst
what I think was the 41st N. Y., who informed me our regi-
ment had moved toward the left flank. We double quicked toward
it, and the few minutes it took to get there, the Johnnies were
almost on us. I heard Lieut. Beidelman without orders give the
command "Fire!" which the whole line obeyed. Gen. von Gilsa
was standing a short distance in the rear, up the slope, who
commenced commanding, "Cease firing; they are our friends."
I ran to him and said : "No, General, they are the enemy, and
charging in two lines." When I got to my Company again, the
fight was on in all its fierceness, muskets being handled as clubs ;
rocks torn from the wall in front and thrown, fists and bayonets

142 HISTORY OF THE 153D RECT.

used, SO close was the fighting. I remember distinctly of seeing
a Rebel color bearer, with his musket in one hand and flag in
the other, with outspread arms jump upon the little wall, shout-
ing "Surrender, you damned Yankees." In an instant a Com-
pany A or F man, I could not tell which, as the smoke was com-
mencing to get heavy, — ran his bayonet through the man's chest
and firing at the same time. I can still see in my mind's eye how
the shot tore into shreds the back of his blouse ; as he fell back-
wards holding to his musket and colors, part of the flag staff
was on our side ; some one grabbed it while some one on the
other side got hold of it and the tussle was lively for a few sec-
onds, who should get possession of it. I think the Rebs must have
gotten it, as I never saw or heard of it afterwards.

About this time, quite a number of the enemy forced me
and some of my Company with others of the N. Y. Regiment on

Infantry Charit,

my right, up into our batteries. Here the mix up of artillery-
men, cavalry, infantry and rebels was something long to be re-
membered. I cannot help but think as I look backward, that
the day and night of July 2, 1863, was certainly a hot time in
the old town of Gettysburg.

Another incident: A Lieutenant of the 7th Louisiana was
taken prisoner with quite a number of others. He was slightly
wounded in the arm and was somewhat downhearted. I told him
I would give him a note to our Surgeon, NefF, and make the re-
quest to give him special attention. Sometime during the night
he died. I found an envelope in his blouse pocket, in the morn-
ing, with a photograph in it of three little girls. This I for-

NARRATIVE OP THE COMRADES I43

warded to mother with a description of the man and circum-
stances, as the directions on the envelope were so dim and worn
that the name could not be easily deciphered. This was for-
warded to Harper's Weekly for insertion as a war incident, and
eventually was returned to my mother, and has been in my pos-
session for years. Now, here is the strange solution of the
incident. Some years ago, when my daughter was a graduate at
the Tuscaloosa Seminary she had a room-mate from Louisiana
by the name of Berwick, who invited my daughter to go with
her to her Southern home and spend some months there. She
did so. One evening while sitting on the veranda, Mr. Berwick
remarked: "My daughter tells me you are from Pennsylvania,
and that your father was a Union soldier. Well, I was up their in
your country one time also with the 7th Louisiana Tigers at
Gettysburg. Our reception was so warm and of such a charac-
ter, that I did not stay long. Was your father in that battle,
also?" "Yes," she replied, "I have heard him speak about it."
And then she related the circumstance of the photograph of the
three children; and strange to say, they are still living some
twenty miles from Mr. Berwick's sugar plantation, and that it
was the first authentic statement they ever had of what had be-
come of their father. She requested me to forward to Mr.
Berwick the photograph, but like other things badly wanted,
when needed turns up missing, and has never been found since.

One thought more, and I will close. On the backward march
at Boonsboro Gap, I was detailed to take charge of some men
to pull a battery up the mountain side. It was dark and raining,
but when in place on top of the mountain, you could look down
and see by the campfires the army taking its different positions
into line for defense. It was a sight never before witnessed, and
often still remembered.

144 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

W. B. Kiefer, Co. A.

\Vm. R. Kiefer (cousin of the writer) was a Sergeant in Com-
pany A. In the opening of the battle in the Chancellorsville
campaign he had been detailed to command a detachment of men
on skirmish duty, and was among the first to discover the ap-
proach of the Jackson skirmishers. Of all the accounts yet given
the historian on the subject of the barricade before the
Gilsa brigade, is his statement as to the nature of the
obstructions. The slashings of the trees had been done imder
the direction of the General in person, and were of the nature of
abattis. While returning from the skirmish line Sergeant Kiefer
was badly wounded by the sharp point of a tree. Comrade Clyde
Miller mentions an incident, showing the Sergeant's bravery in
the first day's engagement at Gettysburg, as follows: "Accident-
ally we got into an angle of General John B. Gordon's corps.
About this time, . Sergeant Kiefer of my Company, re-

ported the woods in front of us was being massed with men be-
hind the thickets for charge, and that by crouching down, I could
see their legs up to their knees. I did so and saw that the force
was a large one." Tlie Sergeant was captured near the Ahns-
house, and was a prisoner for several weeks, but was paroled.
Was at Camp Chester for ten days and was mustered out with
the regiment July 23, 1863.

Sergeant Wm. M. Shultz, Co. A.

You will remember we were driven back at Chancellorsville on
the afternoon of May 2cl. With several of my Company (A) we
retreated across an opening in our rear, and about half way across
wc stopped to help Captain Oerter of Company C, who was doing
his best to rally some of the retreating men. We remained with
him as long as we could and when it got too warm we found it
would be madness to continue there any longer. We then went
to the rear and entered the woods and bearing away to tht left
discovered our mistake, finding ourselves in the rear of the enemy,
who had advanced its lines in pursuing our forces. We spent

e;:

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES I45

the entire night in endeavoring to get out of the woods, and elud-
ing some of the enemy's scouts.

On the morning of the 3d we were discovered by the enemy
and taken to the rear, where we joined other game which had
been bagged, and with whom we fell in and started on our
march to Richmond. On the evening of the 3d we stopped at
Spottsylvania Court House, in the yard of which we encamped
for the night. It was here I met Colonel Glanz, footsore and
weary and completely disheartened. He had nothing to eat, so
I made him a cup of coffee and gave him something to eat, which
cheered him up a little. Early on Monday the fourth, we resumed
our march, and at about 2 p. m. we halted at Guiney's Station. At
this place we expected to be paroled, or at least treated to a ride
to Richmond; but our expectations were not realized. About
noon of Thursday the 7th, orders were given to fall in, the
Colonel and officers going by rail.

During the afternoon we passed through Bowling Green, and

early in the evening struck Milford Station. At each place we

attracted the attention of the inhabitants both old and young, who

were surprised to see so many Yanks — there were about 4000 of

us. After leaving Milford Station a mile in rear, and fording

an over-flowing stream which soaked us up to our waists, we

laid down in the woods for a rest — and such rest. Bright and

early the next morning we were again on the tramp and that

night halted at Hanover Junction. Early the following morning

"fall in'' was again heard and remembering the old adage, "no

rest for the wicked/' we entered the march with good grace or as

much as possible under the circumstances. After tramping, as it

appeared to us, over all the southern Confederacy, we reached

Richmond at about dark, and 9 o'clock found us safely lodged in

Libby prison, our escort on the march being the Twelfth S. C.

\'olunteers. On arrival at the prison we found the Colonel and

officers there, but in another part of the mansion. We remained

there until the 13th of June. We were paroled during the day^

and about 3 p. m. bade the place good-bye and started (on foot, of

course, ) for City Point under guard, reaching our destination the
10

146 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

following day at about 2 p. m. And I must say the sight of "Old
Glory'* on our transports anchored in the harbor, was a sight
never to be forgotten. Some cheered; others who had been in
Libby for months, wept for joy, while many others dropped upon
their knees and thanked the good Lord for his merciful deliver-
ance.

Uncle Sam now took charge of us, and when all were gotten
aboard the transports we set sail for Annapolis, which place we
reached the following day. Remaining there a few days, we
were sent to Alexandria and given quarters in Camp Convales-
cent, Va. On our march from Chancellorsville to Richmond
those men who guarded us, treated us kindly, even sharing their
food with us. While in Libby we were treated like dogs. Thanks
to the officer there in charge — a Major Turner, a brute in hu-
man form.

Sergeant Wm. Henry Weaver, by his son, Ethan Allen Weaver,

Oennantown^ Fa.

In the Autumn of 1862 when the war trumpet was sounded
throughout the North, calling for recruits to strengthen the Union
forces, and repulse the enemy, which then threatened northern
invasion, and Northampton County in lieu of a draft, raised a
full regiment of volunteers, he enlisted in Company A, 153d
Regiment, Penna. Vol. Infantry, most of whose officers and
enlisted men were close intimate friends and neighbors. Upon
the organization of the Company he was elected Corporal, and
on February 25, 1863, promoted to Sergeant.

In the battle of Chancellorsville his regiment occupied a
unique position at the extreme right of the Army of the Poto-
mac, where it was the first to receive the attack of "Stonewall"
Jackson's Corps of Lee's Confederate army, in which attack a
rebel bullet grazed one of his fingers, merely breaking the skin,
and in tl\e retreat of the Eleventh Corps it was his misfortune
to be captured and confined in Libby prison. After being paroled

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES I47

he was taken to Camp Convalescent, Alexandria, Va., where he
remained until the expiration of his term of service, without ever
being exchanged.

Upon the expiration of his military service he returned to
Nazareth and remained there until 1864, when he removed to
Easton, where he continued to reside until about 1889, at which
time he removed to Chester county. Pa., where he died on April
M» 1893, in the sixty- fourth year of his age.

His remains were laid at rest with military honors in the
family lot on the Easton Cemetery, Easton, Pa., the funeral being
in charge of Post 217, G. A. R., John P. Huber, 51st P. V. Post
Commander. The pall bearers were: Lieutenant-Colonel Jacob
Dachrodt, 153d P. V.; Robert Ballentine, ist P. V.; Jacob
Gangwere, Battery C, 5th U. S. Artillery; John L. Clifton, 51st
P. v.; Levi Fraunfelter, 153d P. V., and Jacob Leidy, 12th Pa.
Reserves.

The committal service was read by the Rev. Henry M. Kieffer,
D. D., a comrade of the Post, now rector of the P. E. Chapel
of Good Shepherd, Atlantic City, N. J. Sergeant Weaver was a
member of Lafayette Post 217, Grand Army of the Republic, and
of the Society of the Army of the Potomac.

The muffled drum's sad roll has beat

The soldier's last tattoo;
Xo more on life's parade shall meet

The brave and daring few.
On Fame's eternal camping ground

Their silent tents are spread,
And Glory guards with solemn round

The bivouac of the dead.

WTiilst at Camp Convalescent, he wrote a narrative covering
the last three months of his enlistment, which follows :

148 HISTORY OF THE 153D REGT.

XarraTin'E
Written Whilst a Paroled Prisoner at Camp Convalescent, near

Alexandria, Virginia,

By

SERGEANT HENRY WEAVER,

Company A, 1530 Penna. Volunteer Infantry,

In a Diary for the Year 1863. now in Possession of His Son,

ETHAN ALLEN WEAVER,
Germantown, Pa.

Friday April loth (1863) left camp at Potomac Creek Bridge
for home, arrived at home on Saturday, nth. Stayed there un-
til Sunday, the 19th; left there, went to Easton that night.
Stayed with Jacob (his brother) until Monday, the 20th. Left
Easton at six in the morning for Philadelphia by North Penn-
sylvania Railroad, arriving in Philadelphia at 12 of same day;
left there at 12 in the night for Washington by way of Havre-
de-Grace, arriving in Washington at 8 on the 21st; left Wash-
ington at 8 on the morning of the 22nd for Camp, arriving
there at 2 in the afternoon of same day ; went to Aqua ( Aquia)
Creek landing; on Friday, 24th, to express office. Returned in
afternoon. Left Camp on Saturday at 10 to go on picket near
Stafford (Court House) to stay three days until 28th. On the
morning of the 27th had rations sent me for 8 days for my
men; after dealing them out started on the march. Came up to
Capt. Atter (Oerter) in about one hour's time, he being Captain
of the guard ; after coming together we left and came up to the
regiment at noon; marched about two miles beyond Hartwood
Church, there we halted for the night.

Tuesday, 28th, broke camp and took up line of march again
for Kelley's Ford ; arrived there at 2 in the afternoon. Rained
all day, waited there for pontoons to come up ; came up about 4
in the afternoon ; after being laid we were ordered in line again
to cross; we laid in line from 9 to 12, then we started to cross;
after crossing we were marched around an hour or two through

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES I49

the mud and rain, then were ordered to lie down and rest in line
of battle; we were so tired that we were glad to lie down in
the mud and rain to rest.

On the morning of the 29th (April) after the 5th and 12th
Corps had crossed, we took up line of march again for the Rapi-
dan ; crossed Deep Creek about 2 in the afternoon ; came to Sher-
manda (Germanna) Mills on the banks of the Rapidan at 7 in
the evening; laid down there in the mud and rain until 3 in the
morning of the 30th ; then we crossed the Rapidan and marched
about 2 miles and then stacked arms and laid down in the mud
and rain until 7 in the morning; then we took up line of march
again and marched out on the plank road and up the plank road
some 10 or 12 miles; then we stopped for i hour's rest; then we
were marched about i or 2 miles on another road ; there we pitched
tents and drawed beef; took me until 12 in the night to deal it
out. Cut it up with a pocket knife; next day (May ist) we
laid in camp until 10, then we were ordered out in a hurry to go
and reinforce the 5th Corps, but we didn't get out of the field
before orders came to go back and pitch tents again, for they
could get along without us, so we went back and there was g^eat
cheering, but I thought it might be too soon ; in the afternoon of
the same day we were marched out in the woods, there we soon
heard hard skirmishing to our right ; we were marched back but
all was silence again so we were marched back to the left again ;
there our company was detailed to go on picket to the left of
the road ; after being stationed about an hour we were called in
again to go to the Regiment on the left of the road; there we
formed a line of battle and layed down to sleep; we slept on
our arms in line of battle; in the morning (2nd) we cut down
trees all around the front of us; there we were stationed in
battle line; we stood there until 2 in the afternoon, then our
company was ordered to the center of the regiment to hold a
road leading to the woods; in about 2 hours after we had our
position the Rebs came on. Schurz's Division broke and ran,
so the whole left of the line broke and ran before we had orders to
fall back; we fell back slow at first but the balls came too hot

150 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

SO we also broke and ran; some ran this way and samt that
I got in the woods intending to join my repment again next
morning, the 3rd.

We were shelled all night by the Rebs, the shells exploding
over us in any quantity; in the morning (Sunday, 3rd,) I got
up and started for my regiment, but didn't get very far before
I found myself in the line of the Rebs, they having throwed
out pickets during the night, so I had no way but to be cap-
tured. I was captured about 7 in the morning of the 3rd of
May; after being captured I was marched about 2 miles to a
field; there joined a squad of about 150, and there we waited
about I hour, then another squad of about 1000 came up; there
was Col. Glanz, Lt. Schaum, Wm. M. Schultz and many others
of our regiment ; then we were marched off, arriving at Transyl-
vania (Spottsylvania) Court House at 7 in the evening; there
we slept in the jail yard until Monday morning, the 4th.

In the morning of the 4th we took up line of march again and
marched to Guiney (Guinea) Station, arriving there at 4 in the
afternoon of the 4th ; here we got a lot of flour and salt horse ;
stayed here until the 7th about noon; then we took up line of
march again, passed through Boulding (Bowling) Green at 4
in the afternoon of the same day. Arrived at Milford Station
about 6 in the ev^ing of the same day; rested about 15 minutes»
then started again ; marched about i mile, forded a creek about
yj mile wide, thigh deep, then went in the woods and camped
for the night; rained all night; up next morning early and
started for Hanover Station at 7 in the morning of the 8th.
Raining again this morning. Arrived at Hanover Junction at 6
in the evening, still about 30 miles to Richmond. Started on the
morning of the 9th, marched until 9 in the evening, then ar-
rived at the Libby prison; to-day marched through mud and
water ankle deep all day, very tired, could hardly stand on one
foot any more, for supper we got nothing. On Sunday morning
at 9 (May loth) we got about J4 pound of bread and j4 pound
pork: in the evening at 9 the same; Monday, nth, nothing till

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES I5I

noon, then we got the same; evening, }^ cup bean soup. Tues-
day, 1 2th, at 3 in the afternoon, J4 beef, yi bread; 9 in the even-
ing, yi cup bean soup, yi lb. bread; (Wednesday, 13th,) at 10
in forenoon, yi lb. bread ; in the afternoon at 3 we left the prison
for City Point, then we got y2 loaf bread and % lb. pork to
last one day. So off we started with the intention of marching
all night; we marched until about 7 and then the hardest shower
came up I ever seen, but they wouldn't let us stop but
made us march on, we kept until about 9 and then they let
us rest for the night, but 'SUch a rest I never had, for it rained,
and so we layed in the wet and rain until 4 in the morning of
the 14th ; then we started again, arriving at Petersburg at 8 in
the morning, and at City Point about 2 in the afternoon. City
Point is a very nice place but all deserted; contained some 12
or 15 houses, some of them pretty well riddled with shell that
McClellan throwed in there from his gunboats; at about 3 in
the afternoon we went aboard of the boat; we ran down the
James River until 9 in the night ; then anchored until 4 in the
morning of the isth ; then we started again, arriving at Fortress
Monroe at 9 in the forenoon. We passed Harrison's Landing,
Newport News and other distinguished places of this war; the
last-named place you can see the masts of a boat out of the
water; we layed at anchor at Fortress Monroe until 3 in the
afternoon of the same day; then we started up the Chesapeake
Bay, arriving at Annapolis* on the morning of the i6th, there
we marched to College Green Barracks. Here we stayed until
Wednesday, the 20th of May ; then in the morning we marched
to the landing and took the boat for Washington ; we went down
the bay to Point Lookout, arriving there about sundown; after
running in the Potomac we anchored for the night ; in the
morning of the 22d at 4 we started up the Potomac, crossing

•The following message to my mother at Nazareth, via Easton by
stage, sent from this poin^, was the first information we had of my
father's safety, we supposing up to this time that he had been killed or
wounded and burned with the many who thus met their fate in the
woods on the right at Chancellorsville : "Am a paroled prisoner; am well
and sound; will write immediately." — (E. A. W.)

152 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

Aqua (Aquia) creek about 10 and arriving at Washington at 2
in the afternoon ; we left there ag^in without landing and went
to Alexandria, Va. ; landed and then took up line of march for
present camp — Camp Convalescent; here there are 50 barracks,
each holding loi men, 2 cook houses and 4 dining, 2 of them
furnishes tables for about 700 men apiece and the other 2 of
them furnishes tables for about 1400 apiece; there are also 2
very large hospitals and ordnance building for each State.

Saturday, June 6th, speech made by John Covode, member
of Congress from Pennsylvania, and Governor Nye, of Colo-
rado Territory. Tuesday afternoon, June 9th, explosion of
magazine at Fort Lyons, 20 killed, 14 wounded. At Convales-
cent Camp at the time, just moving from one barrack to an-
other; heard the report. June 28th, expecting raid at Camp
Convalescent, 40 or 50 teams ready to load commissary stores
to remove from the camp.

(Here he added after reaching home the following: — )

July 9th, left Convalescent Camp for Washington; lOth left
Washington for Philadelphia; nth left Philadelphia for Harris-
burg, arrived there at 2 in the afternoon.

In the summer of 1886, twenty-three years after the battle
of Chancellorsville, I determined to visit the spot in company
with my father and his comrade William M. Shultz both of
whom had participated in this great strategfic battle of the
Civil War which, in the light of subsequent events after a
series of victories for the South, marked the high tide of Con-
federate success, for with the death of General "Stonewall"
Jackson began a succession of reverses resulting in the down-
fall of the Confederacy two years later.

On July 3rd. whilst a remnant of the 153d Regiment were
dedicating a tablet marking its position at the foot of Cemetery
Hill, Gettysburg. Pa., where it assisted in repulsing the famous
'^Louisiana Tigers" on the evening of July 2, 1863, we left
Philadelphia for Fredericksburg, Va. Until we reached Wash-

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 153

ington there was nothing special to attract us, but having once
crossed the historic Long Bridge over the Potomac River, my
companions began to sniff a familiar atmosphere, and a short
ride brought us to the site of Camp Convalescent, near Alexan-
dria, Va., and an hour later we passed by Brooks Station and
over Potomac Creek Bridge, where my companions were in
winter quarters with the Eleventh Corps in '62-'63.

Fredericksburg was soon reached, and the afternoon was spent
in viewing that ancient, historic town, the home of Washington's
mother, and the unfinished monument to her memory (time
stained and shattered by bullet and shell, which later the patriotic
women of America replaced by a handsome shaft bearing th.»
modest inscription "Mary the mother of Washington"), the
Masonic Lodge where we were shown the record bearing the
signature of George Washington when he was made a Free
Mason in 1752, the various headquarters occupied by the com-
manding officers of both armies in the g^eat battle of Dec. 13,
1862 (the cannon of which were plainly heard in the winter camp
at Brooks Station) the Confederate cemetery where lie the remains
of many prominent and unknown participants in the "lost cause,"
the National cemetery containing the graves of 15,257 Union
soldiers gathered from the various battlefields in this vicinity,
12, 770 of whom are unknown, and Marye's Heights from whose
crest and the stone wall at its base thundered the cannon and
musketry of the Confederates in their repulse of the Union forces
in their attempted siege of the heights from the plains in the
foreground where fell many of the boys in Blue from old
Northampton who were members of the 51st and 129th Regi-
ments which gave such conspicuous service on this bloody field
and where many lost their lives in the heroic struggle to gain the
heights on their front.

The evening was spent in conversation with a number who
had participated in the great battles in this vicinity, among them
John Hayden, Wagon-Master of Ordnance Corps. C. S. A. who
guided General "Stonewall" Jackson in his flank movement at

154 HISTORY OF THE I53D R£GT.

Chancellorsville, resulting in the unexpected attack of the right
of Hooker's army constituting the Eleventh Corps of whose first
division, first brigade, the 153d Regiment was a part.

On the following morning July 4th, comfortably seated in a
carriage with a driver who had taken many parties over the
ground, we proceeded by way of the famous Plank Road to
Chancellorsville, passing Salem Church, the scene of a desperate
fight which prevented the Sixth Corps under General Sedgwick
from joining the main Army of the Potomac at Chancellorsville
and Tabernacle Church, an historic land mark often referred to
in the annals of the war.

Just before reaching Chancellorsville, we had pointed out to
us the spot where General Lee and General Jackson bivouaced
the night previous to the latter's now famous flank movement.
At Chancellorsville Mansion (Hooker's headquarters during the
battle) we were cordially received by the occupants Trooper
Thomas Junkin, late of the Confederate Cavalry, and his esti-
mable young wife, who manifested a deeper interest in the stage
than in battlefields, in scenes histrionic rather than historic.
Mr. Junkin accompanied us, being familiar with the various land
marks, and we continued our journey westward, soon reaching
the large quartz boulder to the right, marking the location where
General "Stonewair* Jackson* fell, May 2, 1863, the same having

♦It is interesting to note that the first wife of General Thomas J.
Jackson ("Stonewall" Jackson) spent 12 years of her girlhood in Easton,
Pa. She was a daughter of Rev. Geo. Junkin, D.D., LL.D., first
President of Lafayette College. In 1832. when about 10 years of age,
she removed with her parents from Gcrmantown to Easton, Pa., where
she remained until 1841, when her father became President of Miami
University. Ohio, whence he was recalled to Easton in 1844, remaining as
the President of Lafayette College until 1848, when he accepted the Presi-
dency of Washington College (now Washington & Lee University), Lex-
ington, Va. Here Eleanor Junkin met and was wooed by Major Jack-
son, (then a professor in the Virginia Military Institute) who was des-
tined to become a conspicuous figure in the annals of the Civil War. They
were married in August. 1853.

NARRATIVES OP THE COMRADES 1 55

been erected by his Chaplain the Rev. Dr. B. F. Lacy and his
brother Major Lacy. This rock has since been replaced by a
handsome granite monument.

We soon reached the Wilderness Church (where four years
later in company with a party several of whom had participated
in the battle in a grove of trees bearing marks of the battle, we
ate our noon day lunch) beyond which to the right in the dis-
tance is the Hawkins Farm House, which many of the 153d
Regiment passed in the retreat in the flight for safety on the
evening of May 2, 1863.

Upon reaching the edge of the great timbered forest, known
as the Wilderness and which remained practically as on the day
of the battle and where the Orange Plank Road proceeding in
a southwesterly direction joins the Old Turnpike, we continued
along the latter for a distance of about a quarter of a mile,
where we alighted from our carriage; here a road, known as
the Brook Road, turns toward the right penetrating the forest,
and proceeding along this road for a distance of a quarter of
a mile we stopped at the point which Government maps indicate
as the position of the 153d Regiment. This was in the bed of a
shallow and lazy stream (Hunting Creek). When we reached
this point I noticed a special interest on the part of my com-
rades who almost at the same moment expressed the belief that
that was the very spot which they occupied twenty-three years
before in battle line. The feelings of these men, with memories
of that ill-fated eventide cannot be described. Here in the very
woods in which they were attacked and where after the breaking
of the Eleventh Corps they became lost, spending the night amidst
horrors, the shrieks of the wounded and dying, added to which
was the burning woods wherein many met their death, standing
perhaps on the very ground where two of their own company,
Francis Daniel and Freeman Stocker were forever lost, thev
stood living over again in memory the scenes of that horrible
day and night. Postals were written to the folks at home, and
to their brave Capt. Rice, then living at Elkhart, Indiana.

156 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

After the exchange of many recollections of what they saw
here at the time of the battle we returned to Chancellorsville
by the same route we took into the Wilderness, passing the Tal-
ley Farm House, the headquarters of General Devens command-
ing the First Division to which the 153d was attached, and
where nineteen years later old Mr. Talley who lived on the
place during the battle, presented me with cuttings from a beau-
tiful geranium which have grown and flourished to the present
time. A mile eastward is the location of Dowdall's Tavern, the
headquarters of General Howard commanding the Eleventh
Corps, and some distance to the right is Hazel Grove or Fair-
view visited by me some years later in company with a number
of veterans — one of them (the late Major J. Edward Carpenter)
the sole sur\'ivor of the four officers who commanded squadrons
of the Eighth Penna. Cavalry in its desperate charge to check
the Confederate rout.

Our return trip was via Aldrich's, about two miles southeast
from Chancellorsville, where in a large field my father was
corraled with other prisoners on the morning of May 3d, and
where he was latterly joined by Sergeant Shultz, now with us,
and other captives of the regiment. We continued our journey
along the Cartharpan Road, passing Piney Branch Meeting
House, just as the services were concluded and it was a pictur-
esque sight to see the congregation, all black as ebony, men,
women and children, some of the former very aged smoking their
pipes, suggesting their probable ignition within the portals of this
otherwise sacred edifice.

We continued our journey to the site of Todd's Tavern, the
scene of a desperate cavalry fight, thence by the historic Brook
Road we found ourselves in a little while within the lines oc-
cupied by Grant's army in 1864, passing the spot where Sedg-
wick was killed by a rebel sharpshooter, the "bloody angle**
where the muskets of the infantrymen of the two armies almost
touched each other as they lay across improvised breastworks
on the outer line, and where the effects of shot and shell were

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 1 57

plainly visible, and where were scattered in almost unlimited
quantities remains of canteens, cartridge boxes, buckles, straps,
bones of man and beast, and other relics suggesting the carnage
of this great fight.

We drank water from the spring, near the McCool House,
which slaked the thirst of many of the wounded and dying of
both armies during the memorable siege.

We secured relics, personally cutting bullets from fence rails
and trees. At Spottsylvania Court House, not far distant, my
companions pointed out the tree in the court yard, under which
they spent the first night after their capture on their way to
Richmond via Guiney Station. It was over this route to the
latter station that General "Stonewall" Jackson was taken after
being wounded, and which he reached about the same time as
did my captive comrades on the afternoon of May 4th, and where
Jackson died on May loth following, uttering those memorable
words — "Let us pass over the river and rest in the shade of the

trees."

On the return trip to Fredericksburg we passed many historic
homesteads and small streams bearing the names of the Mat,
Ta, Po, and Ny, which join to form the historic Mattaponv
River.

On nearing Fredericksburg we made a detour to the right so
as to view the alum springs and deposits of petrified wood,
reaching Fredericksburg in the early evening.

Within the triangular space, which we practically encompassed
in our journey from Fredericksburg to Chancellorsville, and
from Chancellorsville to Spottsylvania Court House and return,
more men were killed than upon any area of equal dimensions
in the world from the creation to the present time.

After a night's rest, we returned to Washington, where we
spent a few hours in sight seeing and in the viewing of the
cyclorama of "The Battle of Manassas" reaching the City of
Brotherly Love in the early evening.

158 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

This visit to the g^eat battlefields of Virpnia with two partici-
pants in one of them, is to the writer one of the memorable
events of his life, and as he grows in years and in the knowledge
of the Civil War and recurs to this particular event of his life,
his interest is intensified, and he is thankful that the privilege
was afforded him to accompany his father, who has since passed
beyond this life, to these historic spots, and at the very age
which his father had attained when he was a party to one of
the scenes there enacted, and that it is his privilege after a lapse
of twenty-three years since our visit, as it was to him twenty-
three years after the great fight to record in a modest way our
trip to Chancellorsville on July 4, 1886.

J. L. BoersUer, Co. A.

Comrade Boerstler belonged to the Ambulance Corps. "I had
just gone over to see the Colonel to ask him about the oats for
the horses. I saw him just behind the regiment. When the
rebels came through the slashed trees and the attack came on
the Colonel drew on his gloves and said to the men in line, 'get
ready for action.* He seemed to be greatly excited, and when
the column moved back, when commanded to do so by the Brigade
Commander, the Colonel started back, and being portly and
having on his high-topped boots was unable to run and was
soon captured. Bill Fisher had charge of the Cotonel's horses
and rode one of them from the field at the opening of the engage-
ment. He had just asked the Colonel what he should do with
the horses in case of a battle, and the reply was "Look after
your own life and leave the animals if you cannot safely take
them off."

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 1 59

George Beerii Co. A.

"I was detailed as courier on the Staff of General von Gilsa.
The One Hundred and Fifty-Third Repment was a favorite
with the general, and he was often associated with it. He had
also detailed several other men for some work he had to do.
and selected them from the 153d."

Experience of Peter Herman, Co. A.

"I was captured in the battle of Chancellorsville May 3d,
1863, at about 8 o'clock in the morning, and about one mile from
our Saturday's line of battle. In company with 4000 prisoners
I marched to Spottsylvania Court House where we were kept
over night in the jail yard. Having two g^m blankets I shared
with Colonel Glanz, he and I sleeping together. On the next
morning we left for Guinea Station. While resting on the
way the Colonel gave me money requesting me to buy him a
pair of shoes, as he found it very hard marching in his high-
topped boots. After a long search I found a pair, but which proved
to be too small for him. I then started out and exchanged them for
a larger pair, which were all right. I also carried his overcoat
for him on the march. We remained at Guinea Station three
and a half days, during which time Stonewall Jackson was
brought here wounded. He died before we left,* only a short
distance from our camp. While here the Colonel gave me a
twenty dollar Confederate bill requesting me to purchase some
cakes for our use. I took with me a gum blanket in which
to carry them. I found a sutler and laid down the bill for
the cakes. But the sutler said, 'I won't take that money.' I
said, *Why not? It is your own money.' He replied, 'yes
but our money won't go in England, and yours will.' I went
back and reported to the Colonel, who made some remarks
which were not very complimentary to the rebel sutler, and

•He died on Sunday, loth.

l60 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

gave me a five dollar greenback. For this I got about three or
four pounds of what we call 'ginger snaps.' On returning I
handed them to the Colonel, but he said, no, 'pass them among
our men/ I did so and had only four or five left. These the
Colonel refused, so I ate them.

A heavy thunder storm arose and we were thorougfhly drenched.
We left the Station on the 8th of May about noon, and marched
to Hanover Junction. Here we remained over night, and had
rations dealt out to us, consisting of two crackers and about
one and a half or two ounces of boiled ham to each one. I
asked the Colonel of our guard how far it was to Richmond.
He said it was thirty-two miles and that we must march the dis-
tance without stopping, which we did excepting short stops for
rest. We arrived at Libby prison about ten o'clock that even-
ing. About nine o'clock the next morning we were given a five
cent loaf of bread for eight men. At 9 p. m. we were served
with three-fourths of a cup of black bean soup, which was very
poor stuff. This ration was a sample of our daily rations dur-
ing our confinement. Every day the officer of the floor would
come in and say. *Yanks, fall in in groups of fours.' In this
way we were counted instead of having roll call.

WTien we came out of prison, confederate women were wait-
ing to supply us with one cent biscuits at twenty-five cents a piece.

1 paid two dollars for eight biscuits. We marched to Peters-
burg the first day. We were in the rain all day and all night,
but with cover at night. We left the woods about daylight and
marched to City Point a distance of nine miles and arrived at

2 p. m., having marched about 32 miles. We were under escort
of Cavalry and Infantry. The rebels were moving empty cars
in the same direction we were going to bring back their prisoners
and could have taken us on board the cars as well as not. We
left City Point about 4 p. m. on eight steamers, which our
government had sent for us. The next day we arrived at
Fortress Monroe where we received rations and water. Wc
left in the same boats for Washington, D. C. We were con-

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES l6l

ducted to Camp at Alexandria and afterwards to the Soldiers Re-
treat in Washington where we remained over night. From there
we went to Philadelphia where we slept in the depot, and on the
following morning started for Harrisburg. Here we remained,
awaiting the arrival of the regiment after the battle of Gettysburg,
and with them went to Easton where we received a g^eat re-
ception. When Company A. reached Nazareth they had a fine
reception by the citizens.

Narratiye by Key. George W. Both, Co. C.

"While working at my trade, carriage smithing, in Coopers-
burg, Lehigh County, the 153d Regiment being organized, I
learned that many of my former associates were enlisting in
the army, I at once determined to be among them and enlisted
in Company C. Dates of events and names of places I cannot
now definitely recall. My diary was lost with my knapsack, and
my memory through sickness did not retain many things I would
be now glad to know and be able to relate. One of the things

I best remember while encamped at somebody in camp

had liquor, at least our Captain's little French cook seemed to
have had too much. During the night he accidentally discharged
a rifle in his tent. The Captain was very much frightened, and
greatly excited called the Company to ranks. He wanted to
know who attempted to shoot him, and under g^eat stress of
alarmed feelings demanded to know. We were finally dismissed
and returned to our tents, but not to sleep much that night.
While we were entrenched at Gettysburg our Brigadier General,
von Gilsa passing our Company, wondered whether the bullets
whistling near his head were intended for him. About that
time comrade Aaron espied a sharpshooter in a tree in front
of us, and soon brought him down. When the General was told
about it he asked to see Comrade Aaron, thanked him, and handed
him a green back.

At Chancellorsville I was on the picket line when the rebels
II

l62 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

came rushing upon us through the woods yelling like fiends. At
the command of the officer in charge I fell back into line, and
soon the command to fire was given. My comrades dropped
by my side. Soon the retreat commenced, one of the provost
marshalls trying to rally the scattered forces, struck at me with
his saber, hitting my rifle, cut a deep g^sh into the barrel, by
which I knew it ever after. I soon found the Company again.
I will never forget the days of hunger when we ran short of
provisions. I stretched out my bill of fare with the hard-tack
until finally the last one was consumed and yet the hope of a
new supply was not realized. Having nothing else to eat I
gathered up the grains of com the mules left in their feeding
troughs and had scattered on the ground. It was scanty fare,
but I was thankful for even that. 'This is for insulting the
Quarter-Master/ was the inscription on a placard tied on the
back of several comrades who were marched through the streets
of the regiment. They had said some hard things because there
was nothing to eat.

Our old fifer, George Lee, one day discovered a quarter of
beef. He reckoned it would be as good for Company C. as for
the regimental officers. He managed to bring the tempting
food to his tent and covered it with blankets and leaves. We
were all too hungry not to keep the secret, so he dealt it out
among us, and we cooked it undercover of hard-tack. Never
was meat as good as that. Thank you, George.

The only case of real home-sickness I ever saw was that of a
comrade in Company C. The home feeling seized him so strong-
ly, that he was rapidly being reduced to a skeleton and his mind
was in danger of becoming unbalanced. He was discharged
and sent home, and finally recovered. Later he prepared for col-
lege under the same private tutor that I did, and entered the
gospel ministry. He died a few years ago.

Shortly before the march to Gettysburg, I was taken sick with
typhoid fever. When the march began I was shipped to Colum-
bia College Hospital, Washington, D. C, where I remained until

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 163

the expiration of our time. I was longing to be with the boys
at Gettysburg, but the fever prevented it. This illness may
have been the means of saving my life, but the effects of the
fever clung to me for more than a year. I was mustered out
with the regiment at Harrisburg. After I had gained sufficient
strength to do a day's work I took up my trade at Bethlehem.
Later I prepared for the gospel ministry, and here I discovered
that the fever had very much impaired my memory. But with
constant effort and exercise, its powers have been greatly re-
stored, although many things of the past are lost to me.

At present I am located in Boyerstown, Berks County, Pa.,
and am serving a charge of three congregations. I have been in
the ministry since 1876, and in the present field sixteen years.
Uncle Sam is using me well."

Isaac £. Smith, Co. K.

Comrade Smith relates the following: "At Gettysburg when
we were ordered back from our position of the first day I retired
through the town. Many of the men got confused in the con-
gested streets. Other troops from other regiments had come
in from the west at the same time. I saw a man who was
wounded in the foot. He was hobbling along and coming to
a stoop with an opening beneath, the fellow crawled under and
that was the last I saw of him. I withdrew to the south side
and lay that night behind a wheat field where I remained until
the next day evening. General von Gilsa was walking around,
in open sight of the many sharpshooters and I told him he had
better sit down. He replied, Terhaps I had better ; for they may
keep on shooting at me all day.* About dusk the cannon shots
behind us were fearful. Above the noise of battle I distinctly
heard the clear voice of Gilsa giving directions and encouraging
his brigade."

164 HISTORY OF THE 153D R£GT.

Comrade Theodore Keller, Co. C.

Comrade Keller, who shared the trials of camp life, the hard
marches and the fierce battle at Gettysburg, has written us to
notify the Battle Field Memorial Commission that he fought in
that famous battle. This communication reminds the author of
the duty of informing the men of the 153d that it will be impos-
sible for the War IDepartment to get an absolutely correct list of
the men who were there on the occasion, and who by participa-
tion in the engagement July 1-4, 1863, are entitled to be recorded
on the tablet of the State Monument.

The following is the substance of a letter addressed to the
writer: "I now mail you the roll of the 153d — your gallant
regiment. We want you to go over this roll and see that the
names are spelled correctly. It is a copy of the roll when you
were mustered for pay on the day before the battle of Gettysburg,
June 30, 1863. It is presumed that as the men were present on
that day, June 30th, they were present at the battle. He further
states that, "Every man on this roll was present on June 30thy
and answered to his name 'present,' and it is certified to by the
mustering officer that they were present. The names of all
deserters should be stricken off the list."

The facts we find are that there were less than 600 men carried
into action in this battle, and the records above referred to show
that there were 910 men present at the muster the day before
the battle. The monument on Barlow's Knoll shows less than
600 taken into action.

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 165

Notes by Rev. Anthony Stranb, Co. A.

"I am very sorry that all the letters I wrote to my dear
mother, while in the service have been lost, which, if I had
them, would furnish me plenty of material to comply with your
request. Yet I will undertake to give you some of my recollec-
tions as well as I am able to do.

First of all I will never forget the night we spent in the
Universalist Church in Easton where all of our Company A.,
of Nazareth, spent the night on the hard benches. Sleep was
entirely out of the question as the noise, the turmoil, and the
fun-making were something great. Some would bark like a dog,
some imitate a cat, some a cow, and while others were snoring,
others would shout, dance and tell stories, and so the night
passed. The next day we were loaded on cars and transported
to Harrisburg and marched out to Camp Curtin where we were
afterward mustered in the service.

Here we received our bounty money. Then followed the
trip to Washington. We marched through Baltimore, and en-
camped on Camp Glanz outside of Washington. We crossed
the long bridge a day or two after and were shipped on to
Alexandria ; from there by rail to Manassas Junction and Gaines-
ville and from there to Bull Run battle field; from there back
to Chantilly and Aldie and then marched on to join General
Bumside; next on to Stafford Court House. We had marched
two days without provisions of any kind. The first thing we
got to eat the third day was salt pork, the fat of which was
a hand high, which in our great hunger we ate without any
other kind of food. In consequence many of the men were taken
with dysentery.

We arrived at Fredericksburg too late to help Bumside, who
was defeated before we arrived there. When we were en-
camped at Brooks Station, our winter quarters, we had every-
thing we needed for our comfort. The winter we spent there
I shall never forget. We had some in our Company who could
not write very well, and these asked me to write letters for them

l66 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

to their folks at home. I was kept busy day by day writing
letters. We also held prayer meetings in camp, such of us as were
so inclined, from the several Companies. Some were from my
Company and from Captain Buzzard's Company not a few. We
had one very profitable visit from General O. O. Howard, who
addressed one of the meetings. Among other interesting inci-
dents was the receipt of mail, often containing clothing. The
drills given us by General von Gilsa, were very entertaining.
The variety of life of varied experience broke the monotony,
and made things cheerful.

I shall never forget the day when we finally broke camp on
the 27th of April, 1863, and crossed the Rappahannock river
above Fredericksburg, also the Rapidan and arrived at Chancel-
lorsville. Here on the 30th day of April we, for the first time,
smelled powder. Amidst shot and shell on the memorable even-
ing of May 2d, when we were surrounded by the enemy, routed
and scattered in all directions. Here our Colonel and many of
Company A were taken prisoners. Here I got separated from
my regiment and got into a regiment of U. S. regulars, and
stayed with them over night, and on Sunday morning, May 3d,
I found my regiment. At six o'clock that morning, was com-
manded to join a detachment of six from each Company, who
were to be employed as skirmishers, between the two armies,
and had to stay out between two lines, from 6 o'clock in the
morning until 4 o'clock in the afternoon, before we could be
relieved. In two days we retreated back to our old camp.
From here we marched to Gettysburg, crossing the Potomac at
Edwards Ferry, encamping at Goose Creek. Here we all took
a bath. On the march we threw away our overcoats, knapsacks
and everjrthing which was burdensome, reaching Emmitsburg
where we encamped over night. On reaching the town of
Gettysburg we were marched out to the Franklin County Poor
House. I received a wound back of this building, after which
we were ordered to retreat to join our army on the heights of
Gettysburg. I was detained during the 2d and 3d day's fight,
having been detailed to assist the doctors. I found my own

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 167

Lietitenant Benjamin F. Schaum wounded and brought him
in on a wheel barrow. I also brought in comrade John King,
who had received eight or nine wounds, I did not mind mine
so much because it was but a slight flesh wound. God saved
my life that day.

The fourth day after the beginning of the battle, and after
the glorious victory, I joined my regiment at Hagersfown, Md.,
and with them marched to Frederick city. Here we received
orders to be mustered out of service. The home-coming was a
day never to be forgotten. There was great joy over meeting
dear ones after an absence of ten months. We received a g^eat
reception at Easton, and our Company A had a fine reception at
Nazareth in front of the Moravian church.

God be praised, all the hardships, dangers, and fighting are
over and we have again been a united country for the last
forty-three years, and hope we may so continue for all time to

come."

Edward Tonng, Co. A.

"When the attack came at Chancellorsville I saw the rebels
coming through the tree tops. I saw Colonel von Gilsa on a
black horse. As I retreated I came to entrenchments, and as-
sisted in digging the earth works for the cannon which had
halted there. When we came to our entrenchments on Sunday,
we remained there for many hours. John Johnson was taken
sick. It rained very hard during some of the time, and I cov-
ered the sick man with a coat and piece of shelter tent. On the
retreat I saw two cannon caught among the trees as they were
emerging from the woods, and a pair of mules tied together and
fi^st in the mud.

At Gettysburg I was among the detail made up from three
men from each Company. We were called out to a place
called Miller's town. I was in the skirmish line with Lieutenant

l68 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

Clyde Millar. We remained out two days and nights. We lay
in front of the cannon on the hill which fired over us. The
flash and roar of the guns was awful."

Sergeant David Mall, Co. B.

"I was born in Hanover Township, May 22, 1840. Enlisted in
Company B of the One Hundred and Fifty-Third Regiment.
My enlistment dates from the twentieth of September. During
my term I was in the two battles, Chancellorsville and Gettys-
burg. In the latter battle I was slightly wounded in the knee
but remained on duty. I enjoyed unusual health during all the
while I was in the service. I endured all hardships of the march
and exposure and dangers of the battlefield with resignation,
having voluntarily given my service for the good of my country.
The many descriptions of battle given by my comrades are a
faithful record of what I saw and experienced and now with
the survivors of our loyal regiment share the benefits of our
beloved and saved country."

Henry A. Miller, Co. B.

Theodore Miller was wounded at Gettysburg, July 2, and died
in the Eleventh Corps Hospital on the 4th day. Following is 3
letter which he wrote to his parents on the 25th of May, 1862:

"Dear Mother: Yours was duly received the 24th inst. Brother
Theodore received one from father the same day. It always affords us
much joy to hear from home, especially to hear that you arc all well.
Health is a great blessing which we enjoy in this troublesome world. Let
us lift our eyes to heaven and give God the praise. We are all well at
present. We know not exactly when our regiment will get home, i
think we will return the 22d of next month, when our time of enlistment
will have expired. Some say we have to stay until the 7th of July. I
hope and pray that the Lord will spare us to return. Let us put our trust
iii the Lord and all shall be well. This experience will teach many a

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 169

man to lead a different life. No news at present. The weather has been

very warm. There is appearance of rain. Mr. Snyder is with us in

the regiment for a few days. I would be very glad to get home and get

to work. I am tired of this mode of life. Theodore and I unite in love

to you all.

Your son in much love,

HENRY A. MILLER."

Camp near Brooks Station, Va.

The following letter from Comrade Rudolph Rossel gives a
more detailed account of Henry Miller. It was written to the
father of Henry.

"Dear Friend Miller: — Your kind letter was duly received and read
with much pleasure. As you desired I went and got all the information
I could concerning Henry, and you will pardon me for not answering
sooner, as I did not get to see Mr. Doll until this morning. I have in-
quired also of David Moll, who says that Henry was wounded on the 2d
of July in the evening. He was not with him at the moment he was
wounded, but he saw him shortly afterwards. Henry spoke to David
asking him to get a blanket for him if possible, and while he was gone in
search of one an ambulance came along and removed him to the hos-
pital. That was about 7 o'clock in the evening, (the writer was in the
ambulance corps at the time) but whether he died on the third or fourth
he could not say for certain, because he was not at the hospital at that
time. (Many of the wounded near the cemetery gate were hurriedly
placed in the arched building (see cut) and these the writer assisted in
removing to the Eleventh Corps hospital in a barn on a farm south of the
Baltimore pike) . Comrade Doll says he was brought to the Corps
Hospital on the 4th of July in the morning after the Rebels had evacuat-
ed the town, and shortly before Mr. Doll came there Henry had been
removed for burial . He undoubtedly died on the Glorious 4th . How sad
that we who were within a mile or two from where he was wounded
could not have been with him to at least pour cold water on his wounds.
Henry was a good boy.

This is all the information I could get here concerning your son. H
I can do any more for you I will do it with pleasure''

Bethlehem, Pa., 1863.

170 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

Letter from Comrade Joseph Hillpot.

July 7, 1863.
"I heard yesterday that Henry A. Miller was killed in the great battle.
To-day Captain J. A. Frey told me that he heard that Miller was buried
at the Eleventh Corps Hospital, which is about two miles south of
Gettysburg. This afternoon I walked out to the hospital to see where he
is buried and to ascertain the particulars regarding his death. I found
his grave in a field at a stone wall marked by a board on which was
written: 'Henry A. Miller, Company B, 153d Regiment, Penna. Volun-
teers.' I wrote my name together with a few lines on the board with a
pencil. I then went to Dr. Armstrong and ascertained the following
particulars. As nearly as the surgeon could inform me he was shot on
the first day and died on the 4th. He was shot in the thigh, the ball
having shattered the bone and flesh so that the wound was mortal. The
surgeon gave me a pocketbook which contained twenty cents, also a letter
found on his person after death."

Letter from Comrade Theodore Miller, Co. B.

"Camp near Potomac Creek Bridge, Va., May 2^^ 1863.

Dear Parents: Your kind letters duly made their appearance. Un-
doubtedly much consolation was afforded you on being informed that we
were spared in the recent battle. Many of our soldiers have fallen in
the late battles around the Rappahannock. As you have heard so many
rumors about the Eleventh Corps, and our 153d Regiment, of our falling
back, I will endeavor to give you a correct statement of the position we
held at the time we were so unexpectedly attacked on Saturday, May 2d
Our Corps (nth) was placed on the exteme right of the line of Hooker's
army. Between its left and the right of the Twelfth Corps, our nearest
support, there was a space of about a mile and a half (one-half mile).
Some say it was intended by General Hooker that our corps should form a
crotchet on the right flank of the army, and that through a misconcep-
tion of orders it was placed as above stated. The enemy did not advance
upon us in front as he should have done ; but General Jackson by a well-
executed turning movement, suddenly appeared in oblique order with
close columns and attacked us in flank and rear. So suddenly and un-

NAERATIVES OF THE COMRADES 171

expectedly were we assailed that some of our men were shot in the back
while sitting on their knapsacks. Surprised in this manner by an over-
whelming force and a murderous volley, we were commanded to fall
back, as any troops should have done under like circumstances. The
poorest kind of generalship was displayed in placing us where we
were. Being placed in a dense woods and nearly two feet abreast, having
but a few pieces of artillery along the line. Our Corps has the honor
of having given General Jackson his death wound. In the fork formed
by the roads leading to Ely's and Germanna Mills, the woods had been
fired and burned, consuming the dead of both armies, and perhaps also
some of the wounded who were so seriously injured as to disable them
from escape. Their sufferings must have been intense. Where private
soldiers had been burned the fire had communicated with their cartridge
boxes, exploding their contents and had terribly mutilated the body. The
doctor said, 'May God deliver me from another such sight.' Our dead
were stripped of their clothing by the enemy, but the treatment given our
wounded was as kind as their own needy circumstances would allow . The
Rebels admit their loss to have been much greater than ours. Thanks
to Him who rules over us for our preservation of health and life.
Brother Henry sends his love to all. Remember me to all.

Your son faithfully,
THEODORE MILLER."

Captain Theodore H. Howell, Co. D.

"I know that my men stood at least ten minutes firing in the
line at Chancellorsville on Saturday evening, May 2d. Many
of them fired as many as twenty rounds, and even had time to
have fired more. I doubt not the statement of George Seigfrievl
that he discharged as many as nine shots. The various com-
panies as they stood in line of battle did not all retire at the
same time. There was much confusion and the men did not
retire until commanded by the superior commander. We were
on the left of Company F. and were well enveloped before we
made our escape. The 54th N. Y. of our Brigade was im-
mediately behind our extreme right of the regiment. The 68th

172 HISTORY OF THE IS3D REGT.

N. Y. was also near by. The two Dickman cannon were small
and were near Co. A on the left of the line. Captain Howard
Reeder, of Company G, was on my left. Lieutenant Yeager
of Company C was also on our left. He was also an excellent
officer. The flag which the 153d bore through the battles was
long after the war in possession of Colonel Glanz and Lieutenant
Colonel Dachrodt. It had been exhibited on various gatherings
of the regiment, and on request of the State authorities
was returned to the Capitol of the State at Harrisburg.
The Colonel presented a new one instead of the old tattered
one. Subsequently the old one was sent to the Archives of
the State. A cut of the dear old flag is furnished by our
thoughtful Secretary, Comrade Mack. Through the courtesy
of Adjutant General Thos. J. Stewart, a photographer, with
whom Mr. Mack had made the arrangement, made the photo for
the cut. The design of the colors is that of the ordinary
United States ensign on which were printed the battles through
which the old flag had passed. All imprints have become
illegible and the fabric reduced to mere rags — apathetic to look
upon."

Letter from David Enauss^ Co. D.

"I was in some hard marches. On one of them (the writer's
diary says, June 18), there were only enough men left in our
Company (D) to make three rifle stacks. The rest had all given
out on account of the excessive heat, and were left behind. I
was in two hard battles, Chancellorsville and Gettysburg. At
the former we left our knapsacks before going into battle and
never recovered them. There came on a cold rain, and we
were ordered not to speak above a whisper until we got back
across the pontoon bridge, (at U. S. Ford) The night was cold
and we had a hard time of it. I found a wet blanket and went
into the timber and built a fire to dry the blanket.

At the time we started to Chancellorsville, we had eight day's

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 1 73

rations dealt out to us. I divided mine so as to get through
with it pretty well, but others who ate all they wanted, ran out
of provisions and got so hungry they took corn from the horses
troughs and parched it.

The first day at Gettysburg it seemed to me the rebels were
bound to get to town. They shot a hole through the lines where
we were, and our company was badly broken. When on the
retreat, I kept loading and firing back on my own account. I
was called in a few times to help take care of the wounded, and
did the best I could, but would not give up my rifle. I then
turned the wounded man (whom I was assisting) over to
another fellow. Soon after this the hospital and all its inmates
was captured. I picked up a better g^n on the field. We were
engaged at sharp-shooting, under heavy shelling the rest of the
day. At night the enemy came up and drove us back to our
battle line where they got the worst of it and were defeated
that night. We had no officers left in our Company, and the
next morning the few men remaining of Company D were put
in another Company, the combined force numbering 22 men.

When I went to the army I took for my g^ide a Bible. The
selection from which was the 91st Psalm. I lost the Bible in
battle. Last August, 1908, I received a letter from my cousin,
T. J. Knauss, of Emaus, Pa., saying that they had had a family
reunion of 600 persons, and at that meeting they had the Bible
which I had lost in the army. A Reformed minister of Toms
Brooks, Va., saw in a paper a notice of the intended reunion.
He had at the time this very Bible in his possession with my name
in it. This was when 14 years ago he was stationed in South
Carolina, when one of his parishioners who had been a confeder-
ate soldier, gave him the Bible. The book contained my name
'David Knauss, Army of the Potomac, born in Northampton
County, Pa., son of Levi Knauss, Esq.' It had the Apostles'
Creed written in German.

174 HISTORY OF THE IS3D REGT.

From the ''National Tribime."

Rev. Curtis V. Strickland, Musician, Co. D., tells of battle
of Chancellorsville.

"Editor National Tribune: — I am reading your history in the
National Tribune of the battle of Chancellorsville with much
interest. Our regiment, the 153d, Pa., was a member of the
First Brigade, First Division, Eleventh Corps. Our regiment
was on the extreme right, in the woods, and *up in the air.*
It was our first experience. The skirmish line was driven in,
I should think, about 3 p. m. As they reached the line the
entire brigade fired one volley. The drummer boys (and there
were a lot of us), most all from Easton, Pa.^-our ages from
14 to 16— the regimental band and a few others were to the
right and rear of the regiment. We were having lots of fun,
chasing rabbits, etc., little realizing what was going on in our
front. When the volley was fired we drummers all started on a
run, Snider lost his hat. The firing having ceased, we returned
to our former place, guying each other. Gen. Devens soon
came with his staff. I saw him in conversation with Gen. von
Gilsa; then he left. They did not seem to be in the best of
humor. We then resolved if there was another such occasion
we would not run. We did not wait long. Skirmishing began,
and they were soon driven in. and the battle was on. We stood
this time until we saw our brigade retreat, then we, too, started.
We were soon out of the woods, and in crossing an open field
I was struck with a minie ball. I fell to the ground. Some of
the boys stopped. Snider tried to help me. Then our Chaplain
and Comrade Mack, now of Bethlehem, Pa., stopped and picked
me up, assisting me into the woods. At my earnest request they,
in sorrow, left. The rebels were coming. I told them as they
would at once be taken prisoners, they should leave me. With
sad hearts they said good-by, and none too soon, as the first line
of battle, 72ickson's men,* were there in a few minutes. I can-
not ask space to explain and tell all I saw. However, will
say. I lay in the woods until Monday afternoon, when I was

II

II

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 1 75

found and taken to the house in the middle of the field men-
tioned, which was turned into a hospital. I was under fire in the
woods all day Sunday, and can hardly comprehend how it hap-
pened that I escaped being hit again, for sometimes the shells
exploded and bullets struck all around me. Then the terrible fire
of the woods, especially the underbrush. I escaped being burned
only by two Rebels helping me over the fire line, and laying me
down where it had burned. I was found and taken back to the
little house in the field, which was turned into a hospital. I saw
a number of those who had been burned to death and other dead
lying on the battlefield. The wounded had all been brought up.
I was among the last ones rescued. In 13 days we were paroled,
and under flag of truce were brought back in ambulances to our
line, crossing at the United States Ford. My wound has given
me much trouble all my days, but the comrades have appreciated
my work, and I am gratified to know that all over our land, in
every State, my music is used, especially on Memorial Day.
If I am able I will attend the National Encampment at Toledo."

Comrade Strickland Belates the Following:

"In all probability, the house where I was taken after being
rescued from the battlefield of Chancellorsville, was the house
known in history as the Tally house. During my brief stay at
the improvised hospital, a comrade, who visited another house on
the battlefield, stated that he found a young man at said
place, who was seriously wounded; and that he was a member
of Co. E, of the 153d Pa. Regiment, from the description he
gave me. I said, *that, in all probability is Edward Body —
a young man with whom I was well acquainted in my native
town — Easton, Pa. In fact, we were school-mates/ When I
returned after being paroled, I learned, that the young man spoken
of, was missing since the battle. He was never heard of, and
there is scarcely a doubt but that the young man was Edwanl
Body as stated. I remember him as an estimable young man,

176 HISTORY OF THB 153D HECT.

but he was numbered among that silent Company that never

Levi F. Walters, Co. E.

"The following are two instances of bravery which, both for
their individual interest and for their connection with the 153d
Regiment, peculiarly merited a place in this history.

The first will doubtless be called to mind by many of the

veteran readers of these pages, who could hardly have escape^.!
being witnesses of it,

'she gave us great cheer.'

One would naturally suppose that news of the death of a
beloved and trusted commander would have a depressing effect
upon the troops under him. Just the reverse happened when,
on that memorable first day of July, 1863, it was learned by
the soldiers of the Eleventh Corps that General Reynolds l^d
been killed.

'Avenge Reynolds!' was the shout that arose. It was eclioed
and re-echoed down that long line of hot, dusty and weary
soldiers who had made what was almost a double-quick march

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES \^^

from Emmitsburg, Maryland, to Gettysburg, a distance of eleven
miles. And the death of Reynolds, instead of discouragement,
gave a grim determination to his men.

The fight had already commenced west of the town when we
of the 153d entered Gettysburg from the Emmitsburg Pike.
Along this pike we had met a thousand or more citizens, fleeing
from their homes, as from 'the wrath to come.' Gettysburg,
when we entered it, was literally deserted. We advanced up the
street from the Pike toward the town square, and here it was that
the main event of this reminiscence took place.

Standing near the middle of the street, amid all the bursting
of shells, was a young girl. She was handing out water in a tin
dipper, taking it from a tub which her father, a man of about fifty,
kept filling with buckets carried from his house nearby. These
were the only two civilians in sight.

It is not difficult to imagine what an attraction this spot was
for the soldiers, especially for the younger ones of us, who
were as eager for the sight of a pretty girl as for the refreshing
water she dipped with almost provoking impartiality. She wore
a white dress, and an apron and bib representing the stars and
stripes. This, as many will remember, was a style much worn
by patriotic ladies at the time.

The writer, in his due turn, got a drink from the dipper lifted
by those brave young hands. He recalls saying to the girl,
*This is no place for you.* *Oh, it's all right, I think,' was
her reply.

In his magnificent speech at Nazareth in May, 1909, General
Howard related an incident of a girl who waved a flag to the
soldiers in a street in Gettysburg where the bullets and shells
were flying thick. He must have referred to the same girl,
although the heroine of the present account was more profitably
engaged. There can, at any rate, be no more fitting tribute to
this girl's memory than the words of General Howard, 'She was
ver\' brave, and she gave us great cheer.'

13

178 HISTORY OP THE I53D REGT.

A REAL LEADER.

One more instance of brave conduct, of which the writer is
possibly the only witness living.

In the first day's fight on Barlow's Knoll at Gettysburg, the
overwhelming Rebel forces, as all know, drove our comparatively
thin line back. The writer, who lay on the ground at the ex-
treme right of the line, with a bullet wound through a knee
joint, remembers watching, with mingled apprehension and pride,
the stubborn retreat of our regiment.

It was after the main body of soldiers had gone back about
a hundred yards that the writer saw Captain Howard Reeder of
Company G standing not ten feet away. He was deliberately
discharging his revolver into the ranks of the onrushing Rebels.
He then turned and ran. How he ever got away without being
killed is a miracle, as the Rebels could not have been more than
(5 fc?et from him.

This was certainly the deed of the type of leader who orders
his men not, ^Go in there/ but *COME ALONG in.'

A PERSONAL EXPERIENCE.

Following the retreat of our regiment and its subsequent
rally, the writer was in danger, as he lay on the field, of being
shot again by his own comrades. That this did not occur was
entirely owing to the kind services of a Confederate soldier.

Nearby there was a clump of large trees, (which, by the way,
have since been cut down). Now in the enemy's line, formed
in the rear, was one particular Rebel who took advantage of
the protection afforded by these trees. As the balls from our
own Union forces were flying fast all around him, the writer
asked the Rebel to place a large, loose tree stump that lay a short
distance away, in front of him. *I don't like the idea of being
hit by my own regiment,' he said.

Hardly had the Rebel gotten back behind his own tree when
three minie balls struck the stump in front of the writer.

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 1 79

'Young man, I saved your life/ called the Rebel. The afore-
said young man was not scant in his thanks, as may well be
imagined.

SIGNALS FROM A HOSPITAL ROOF.

Lying in this same spot until the afternoon of July 2nd, the
writer was then removed to the Poor House. No room being
available there — the place was filled with Rebel wounded — he
was put down in the yard, near the driveway.

Shortly before noon of the third, a Rebel signal corpsman
got up upon the roof of the Poor House, and started to signal
the Confederate Army.

Then began a terrific cannonade from the Union forces in
their efforts to dislodge this fellow and stop his signaling.
The shells passed over our heads and landed in the garden
nearby. Judging from the effect upon the writer's own wound
—each crash was like singeing the leg with hot iron — the suffer-
ing of the wounded in the Poor House must have been terrible.

This torture had continued for some time, when a bright
young Confederate officer passed by. The writer called his
attention to what the corpsman on the Poor House was doing,
adding that he thought a hospital was not the place for a signal-
ing station.

To the young officer's credit be it said that his face flushed
with shame at the action of his comrade in arms. Drawing
a revolver, he pointed it at the Rebel on the roof, and, with an
oath, commanded him to come down or he would kill him. The
fellow complied in a hurry, and the firing that had been directed
upon the Poor House ceased at once.

l8o HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

Captain Lacios Q. Stout, Co. F.

There were few men in the regiment with whom the writer
was better acquainted, especially in earlier life. He was a man
of fine presence and of congenial spirit and manners. He made
friends and held them. He took g^eat pride in everything thai
pertained to his Company, and was deservedly popular with his
men many of them having known him from boyhood.

One of fhe members of Company F, has furnished the follow*
ing brief testimonial of his captaincy: "Captain L. Q. Stout
may have had his faults, and who has none? My remembrance
of him will always be pleasant. He was a true and honest
officer in his duties and to his men. He was a father to his
Company. He will be fondly remembered by every man who
served under him."

A long and serious illness prevented him from continuing with
us during the entire service in the field. He was confined to
the hospital much of the winter and late in the spring. A brief
reference to the Captain's illness appears in the account fur-
nished by Dr. Abraham Stout, one of our Surgeons.

Noah Dietrich^ Co. E.

Comrade Dietrich : "We arrived at the Almshouse after pass-
ing through Gettysburg about noon and unslung knapsacks and
threw them in an outbuilding. The cannon balls passed over us as
we crossed the field. I was taken captive while in company with
Ed. Haden of Co. E. We had an opportunity to pass over the
battlefield of the first day. Here we found Capt. Ricker of our
Company, who being wounded in the knee, had dragged himself
behind a pile of cord wood as protection from the sun. We
carried him over to a farm house, where a doctor dressed his
wound. Presently a Rebel cavalryman came along and gathered
us up when we were taken to Carlisle and paroled. We then
went to Harrisburg by rail for the muster-out. (Spent some time
at West Chester)."

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES l8l

lieutenant Beidelman^ Co. F.

William Beidelman was born in Lower Saucon Township,
Northampton County, Pennsylvania, on January 17, 1840, and
was a son of Daniel Beidelman, who served as a County Com-
missioner of that County. Soon after his birth, his father
moved to Williams Township, where the subject of this sketch
spent his boyhood days on the farm of his father. He received
his education in the Township Schools, the New York Confer-
ence Seminary and Troy University. He became a law student
in the office of Edward J. Fox, Esq., in the City of Easton, and
in May, 1862, graduated fropi the Law Department of the
University of Albany. He wps then admitted to the Bar of
Northampton County, where he practiced his profession almost
continuously to the time of his death. During the civil war he
enlisted as a member of Company F, 153d Regiment, Penn-
sylvania Volunteers, September, 1862, serving as Lieutenant
of that Company ; and took part with his regiment in the battles
of Chancellorsville and Gettysburg.

In October, 187 1, he was elected District Attorney of North-
ampton County, which office he filled three years, and in Novem-
ber, 1878, was elected to represent that County in the Senate
of Pennsylvania, for the term of four years. In 1890, he was
elected Mayor of the City of Easton, and served in that capacity
until April, 1894. He was also a member of Dallas Lodge, No.
396, F. & A. M., and of Hugh de Payens Commandery, No. 19,
Knights Templar.

Mr. Beidelman was a writer and traveler of wide experience.
He wrote the "Story of the Pennsylvania Germans/* and per-
sonally collected most of the data for his book, making a num-
ber of trips to Germany for that purpose. At the time of his
death he was engaged in writing a history of the Germans,
who early emigrated from the Palatinate District of Germany
to America. He had collected much original data on this sub-
ject from the early German records, still in existence in that
district. He died February i, 1903, and was buried in the Eas-
ton cemetery.

l82 HISTORY OF THE IS3D REGT.

Lines in memory of Lieut. William H. Beaver, of Co. D,
153d Pa. Vol., who was struck in the heart with a minie
ball, falling dead by the side of his comrades at the battle of
Gettysburg. Taken from "Garland Their Graves No. 5," by,
C. V. Strickland.

•Take Thy Rest.''

I.

"Sleep on, dear comrade, and now take thy rest;

The grave where thou liest is hallowed and blest.

In the heat of the battle, when fiercely it raged.

Thy sword was unsheathed where the flag proudly waved.

2.
The spot where thou liest in old Gettysburg
Shall ne'er be forgotten, while ages may surge.
We sing of thy manhood, a soldier so true.
Thy name's on the record with those of the blue.

3.
And while in the grave that is hallowed and blest.

Thy body is now so sweetly at rest;

In the heaven of peace, thy spirit so pure

Is dwelling and resting with Jesus secure.

4.
We will not recall thee from heaven above.

For soon we shall join thee in that home of love;

And there in the land of the pure and the blest.

We, too, shall forever be sweetly at rest.

5.
With beautiful flowers thy grave shall be strewn.

The emblems of memory with richest perfume.

That beautiful mansion our Lord shall prepare,

A home of the faithful, with thee we shall share."

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 1 83

Sergeant Samuel LantSi Co. F.

On the 2d day of the battle of Gettysburg I assisted comrade
Lantz from the field to a barn by the roadside — ^the Baltimore
Pike. When I left him and another wounded man I forgot to
take with me my haversack. Twenty years after the war the
widow of comrade Lantz sent me some of the articles, which I
value very highly. Another incident, more singular than other-
wise occurred. After my return from leading him to a place of
safety, I was standing near the cannon in front of the cemetery
gate, when a shell exploded killing a horse. During a visit on
those grounds in the year 1892, I was standing on the very spot,
when a boy came along selling relics which were picked up, and
I bought a piece of a shell on the identical spot where I had
stood under the deadly range of the flying balls of Lee's guns
twenty-nine years ago.

At the time I was nursing in the nth Corps hospital, I spent
a night of the most awful heart strain I had ever experienced.
A young man lay under the eaves of the barn during a torrent
of rain with but slight covering surrounded by hundreds ot
others. His cries for help were truly the most heart-rending
one could listen to. His shrieks became unendurable. I hunted
about to learn from what direction the calling came and finally
found him under some boards which had been hastily laid up
for shelter. I asked him where he was wounded and he could
not tell, except that he had great pain between his shoulders.
I removed his shirt to ascertain the location and character of his
wound and by the dim light of an old lantern I succeeded in find-
ing a wound between his shoulder-blades, the shape of the in-
cision being exactly that of a bayonet. From the size of the
hole the weapon must have pierced deeply into his body. On
the visit above mentioned I found a rusty bayonet in an adjoin-
ing building which the owner of the building gave me as a
souvenir.

l84 HISTORY OF THE 1530 REGT. \

Sergeant Edward J. Kiefer, Co. F.

Edward J. Kiefer, Co. F, (brother of the writer) was a faith-
ful soldier. His relations with the members of his Company
were always the most cordial, and for the term was the quar-
termaster for the Company. He was captured on the skirmish
line before Culp's Hill, but was paroled and returned with the
Company and was mustered out with the command. He was
in company with Charles M. Shively and several other friends
who were among the captives. The spot where they were cap-
tured ; indicated by comrade Shively, is evidence of the fact that
they were in the thickest of the battle from which their escape
was marvelous.

Jeremiah Transue, Co. F.

Jeremiah Transue, an honorable neighbor of the writer, was
faithful up to the time of his serious wounding, and had the
sympathy of a large number of his comrades.

S. C. Romig, Co. F.

"On our way to Gettysburg from Emmitsburg, we traveled
through muddy roads, as it had rained considerable and it seemed
to be the most peculiar sort of clay, being of a very sticky
nature. I did not give attention to it until I was wounded
and lying in the hospital. For several days my feet annoyed
me very much and I asked a nurse to remove my shoes. He
tried to take them off but finally said it was impossible. I
told him to cut them off as the mud had become so hard and drv
that there was no way of removing them. He got the shoes
off but he forgot to wash my feet, and the soil remained on
them until it wore off. On the long march to Gettysburg the
shoes had become literally worn out ; the bare skin being exposed.
During the retreat of the first day back through the town we
passed through grain fields. In one of them the grain had

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 185

been cut and removed, and the ground was what the farmer
calls a stubble field. I, with my exposed feet, ran with
the rest of the men and the Rebels close at our heels. Figura-
tively speaking I saw stars in broad-day-light. Meantime I
thought of home and friends but ready to shoot every Rebel
in sight. We finally landed on Cemetery Hill behind the stone
fence. Here I thought let them come now, shoes or no shoes,
we will let them know that we are here. After being behind
these fortifications for a while we soon saw the Rebel skirmish
line drawing out on our right. Orders came soon for us to go
down and meet them which we did, in the fields down below
Cemetery Hill. My position at this time was behind a rail
fence and I laid my rifle on a rail to fire whenever a rebel
popped up out of the tall g^ass or from behind a tree to fire at
us. That was the way in which we had to pick them off when
the opportunity came. I was just in the act of firing when I
was hit by a ball in my left knee. I, of course, ceased firing, and
lay down and took in the situation which was very sorrowful
for me and rendered me helpless to move. Lieutenant Barnes,
commander of the Company, at that time came near where 1
was lying. I told him quickly the condition I was in, as there
was no time for a long story. He sent two men to carry me
from the field and away from danger, which they did willingly,
I suppose to get away themselves. They took me up to Ceme-
tery Hill across the road and laid me down in some g^ass
when my two comrades, which were, so kind to me, vanished.
I looked about and learned that I was lying in a grave yard, the
old Gettysburg cemetery. Soon, however, an ambulance came
along and I was taken up, and the horses driven as fast as they
could go. and I was lodged in the Eleventh Corps hospital.
I was laid on the threshing floor of the bam used for a hospital,
and laid down near the big door. There I had a fine view
of the bursting shells coming in our direction. It was at the
time of Pickett's charge. There were at one time six explosions of
shells in one moment. It was a grand sight indeed, but the
danger was becoming so g^eat that every man was removed

1 86 HISTORY OF THE IS3D REGT.

excepting myself and an old German, who expressed himself
in something like the words, *Och du licber Gud was gebds
Huch' The surgeon who had been in shortly before looking
at my wound ran for his life, his coat tail standing straight
out. As he passed the door he called out to me, 'get out of
there as soon as you can,* the same time knowing that I could
not move. He soon sent two men to carry me away, which
they did. They placed me in the lower part of the bam, in
a building called a wagon shed. This place was occupied mostly
by wounded Rebels. I was now out of sight, but not out of
danger. These fellows were my company for two weeks, they
arguing for their cause and I for ours."

George King, Co. F.

Comrade King was an expert horseman and on that account
was detailed by the Quartermaster for teamster and was con-
nected wth the brigade trains.

To supply ammunition in the battle of Chancellorsville, he
was sent in company with another team to deliver a load of
cartridges to the army beyond the Rappahannock. A six
mule team could draw 25 cases of 100 lbs. each. He was one
of the men who foraged for corn at the time when men and
animals were destitute of food at the encampment of Stafford
Court House. He relates the sad case of a soldier who in great
desperation for food asked permission to eat com from the mess
the teamster was about feeding to his team, and the man ate so
ravenously of the raw whole corn that in three hours he died
from the effects. He relates an incident of men in a half starved
condition eating meat taken from the head of an animal which had
many days before been killed for food and the skeleton of the
carcass left entirf*. ,

On the march from Brooks Station to Gettysburg Comrade
King was attacked with typhoid fever, and with many other sick

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 1 87

men was removed to Columbia Hospital, Washington, D. C.
There he remained until October. On his arrival in Easton at
night, though still weak from his long illness he started for his
home and on the way in the darkness was overtaken by a man
on horseback ; who happened to be a neighbor of his parents. On
speaking to him to his great joy he learned that he was Charles
Long, who instantly dismounted and placed the soldier in the
saddle and accompanied him to his father's home. The joy of the
family was undescribable, and all sleep was suspended for the
entire night.

Notes by W. H. Marsteller, Co. F.

"The men I recall who were detailed to assist in the cutting
of the trees in front of the line May 2d, were James Woodring,
William Stover, Amos Queer. General von Gilsa was present
and directed the work. He rode a sorrel mare. Andrew
Seigler was the first man killed from the regiment. I fired
five rounds before we retired.

I recollect many things about the boys. At Gettysburg dur-
ing the first days fighting Comrade Philip Halpin was killed
between the Almshouse and Barlow's Knoll. I knew Sergeant
Edward Kiefer. He always looked out for us in dealing out
the bread. Charles M. Shively was a prisoner; so was Cham-
berlain. John Kressler was a good, pious soldier. So was
Edwin Boder. Captain Stout was sick and wholly unfit for
duty most of the time. Lieutenant William Beidelman was
a regular rooster, very patriotic. Steven B. Frick was a wagon-
driver. So was Blackley. Abraham Benner was a good sol-
dier, was wounded at Chancellorsville. Then there was Stephen
Romig and William Raub both good soldiers. William H.
Riehl was the life of the Company. Ira Scherry was 'trans-
ported,' did camp duty. I knew Jesse Soys who was wounded,
he has since died. George Steckel was Company cook, and
was promoted to Brigade cook; John Balliet was his assistant.

l88 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

Jackson Stein was dubbed "Stonewall Jackson." He got the
mules through the mud by using strong arguments. William
Stoneback had charge of the medical donkey. He said the
mule was wounded and that he destroyed part of the medicine
to keep it from falling into the enemy's hands. There was
Aaron Sandt, of Bath, and John Snyder a member of the Band.
Joseph D. Stocker was a mule driver. William H. Taylor was
a fine man. Charles Wassar drove the ambulance wagon, and
since became a veterinary surgeon. Nathaniel Weigner was
a tanner and the base drum of the Band having been bursted,
Weigher entered a tannery at Burkettsville and found a calf
skin in the vat which he tanned for the drum."

William 0. Tomer, Co. F.

Comrade Tomer has passed from the scenes of the earthly
life. He was a much respected and loyal comrade, and filled
an unusually important position in the army. His talents for
clerical work, and his superior penmanship brought him to the
notice of General Howard who at one time gave him employ-
ment of responsibility and recommended him to a position of
tnist in the government after the war. He was also private
secretary for Captain Stout of Co. F. He was honorably dis-
charged with his Company.

John Kressler^ Co. F.

A young man of excellent christian habits, who from pure
patriotic and conscientious motives enlisted in the defense of
his country, was highly esteemed by the men of his Company
and especially of the mess to which he belonged in camp.

NARRATIVES OP THE COMRADES 189

Beaben Traune, Co. F.

Comrade Reuben Transue was a friend of the writer. We

very much r^ret that he left no account of his experience. All

his associates have also died. Fortunately his family have fur-

Reuben Tcaniue. Co. F.
nished a picture of him which we cheerfully add to the list
of well remembered comrades. He served his country and has
gone to his reward.

Wm. H. Taylor, Co. F.
This exemplary man was an intimate friend of the writer,
and it is a singular incident that he is the only one to whom the
writer spoke while in the entrenchments at both battles. The
first occasion was while our men lay behind earthworks near
the L'nited States Ford, and the second instance occurred behind
a low stone fence near the cemetery entrance on Cemetery Hill.
He advised us of the danger of the sharpshooters, which suggest-
ed retirement to duties in the hospital. All the men of our mess
are c'ead and very few of our Company are now living.

IQO HISTORY OF THE I53D R£GT.

A. J. Benner, Co. 7.

Abraham J. Benner, born on December 29, 1840, in Lower
Saucon Township, Northampton County, Pennsylvania. First
enlistment, April 18, 1861, Company A, First Regiment, Penn-
sylvania Volunteer Infantry, discharged July 23, 1861, at Har-
risburg. Pa., expiration of term of enlistment. Re^-enlisted
September 30, 1862, Company F, 153d Regiment, Pennsylvania
Volunteer Infantry.

He was in engagement, Chancellorsville, Va., May ist, 2d
and 3d, 1863, and was wounded by gun shot in right shoulder.
May 2d.

Comrade Benner's regiment occupied a position on the right
wing, facing the southern army under General Jackson. In
the beginning of the engagement the regiment had been ordered
to lie down on their stomachs to shoot, roll over on their backs
to load guns, thereby escaping the rebel balls. While
in the act of loading his rifle a cartridge became jammed in
the barrel. Comrade Benner arose to his feet to force the
cartridge into place, while doing so, a Rebel soldier about ten
paces in front of him, took deliberate aim and fired, wounding
him in the right shoulder, bringing Comrade Benner to his
knees, but he returned the Rebel soldier's fire. At this very
moment the Union army was ordered to retreat, while retreat-
ing Comrade Benner met an ambulance which took him to the
field hospital. Here he remained all night, when next morning,
the hospital being in line with the ammunition train which the
Rebels were shelling, the order came for all the wounded that
were able to run, to hurry across the Rappahannock at United
States Ford. He stayed here at signal station all that day and
night. The next morning the Rebel army commenced to throw
shells across the river towards the signal station and ammuni-
tion train, when again the order came for all the wounded
soldiers that could, to run. Fifteen of the wounded soldiers
including Comrade Benner were loaded into an army wagon

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES I9I

and taken to Stoneman's Switch, here they were loaded into
a cattle car and taken to Aquia Creek Hospital. Stayed here
two weeks, transferred to the Regimental Hospital for one
week, then sent home on a ten days furlough.

After coming home Comrade Benner*s wound becoming worse,
he was unable to return to the front and was finally mustered
out with his regiment on July 24, 1863, at Easton, Pa.

The Hen of Company F.

Comrade John Koken, whose widow lives at 328 Lehigh St..
Easton, was a good soldier. We were school boys together,
living in the same neighborhood from early childhood. He
was wounded in the battle of Gettysburg. While I was around
the hospital, assisting in the care of 1500 wounded, I strolled
out back of the bam (our hospital) and wholly unexpected I
found my friend John lying under shelter of a few boards
which had one end laid on a fence. It was along side a bar-
rack. He was very glad to see me, and his case was pitiable
enough. He had been wounded in the chest, and the great
profusion of blood had saturated his clothes, pocket book and
all. There were $60 in bills so covered with blood that they
required soaking and washing. I laid them out on the boards,
with some pieces of garments, also, to dry. He requested me
to send his money home. He was subsequently removed to a
hospital, I think, in Newark. He lived many years and was
employed in railroading.

There were 24 men of my Company wounded and 7 killed.
I was acquainted with but two of those killed, Philip Halpin, and
Jacob Unang^t. Sergeant John Seiple died of wounds. He
was in the ward of the barn and died near where I was in at-
tendance. He suffered intensely from lockjaw, and when T
saw that he could not live I thought death was preferable
as I witnessed him breathing his last.

192 HISTORY OF THE IS3D REGT.

The Experience of Comrade Seuben Ruch, Co. F.

"On the 29th of May, 1863, I made my escape from the
Corps hospital at Brooks' Station, where I had been for four
weeks under treatment for rheumatism and diarrhea results of
typhoid fever. I had been on the sick list four months, and had

became very lean. We had a big, fat, good-natured doctor

I think his name was Shaw. I had been buzzing the doctor
for about ten days to let me go to the regiment, and his answer
always was that I was not fit for duty. The stench in the hos-
pital among the many wounded was unendurable, and I told
the doctor that fresh air would do me good, and if he would
let me go to the regiment I would soon be all right. But he
said *If the regiment should start on a campaign what would
you do?' I told him I could find my way back to the hospital
again. So luckily .... I got permission, on condition that I would
report to the regimental doctor. . . .it did not take me very long
to get out of that place. It was two long miles to where the
regiment was encamped, and it was a warm day. I had to
rest two or three times before I got there. Instead of report-
ing to the doctor as I had agreed to, I reported to the Captain
of my Company for duty. I informed him on what condition
I got out of the hospital, and told him to use me gentle, as he

always did. We remained in this camp only a few days I

was detailed for camp guard, and it fell to my fortune to guard
a lot of bailed hay. I remember the relief had a good time
finding me under the hay, when it came time for guard relief.
I must have been sleeping, for who ever thought of keeping
awake on so good a bed — not I. We left this camp and re-
moved about two miles to another. I think we were moved
for the benefit of our health more than for anything .else. This
short march seemed to me about ten miles long, and I was very
near the end of my strength when we went into camp. Here
we put up a comfortable tent .... so arranged that we could roll
up the sides during the day which made it nice and cool. But
we did not enjoy our tent very long; I think about a week.
During the week we had a good deal of excitement, being calletl

NARRATIVES OP THE COMRADES I93

out almost every night. It was either a tramp to the picket
line, or forming line of battle before daylight. The orders,
four days rations, and one hundred rounds of ammunition in
the cartridge-box and knapsack. I must say that we always
had ammunition in abundance even if the rations were a little
short at times. This with us made no difference. During the
last of the short time we spent in this camp we could hear
heavy cannonading every evening in the direction of Freder-
icksburg, and we knew there was going to be trouble somewhere
before long. Under these circumstances many of our men might
have been thinking about the next world, but we had not yet
gotten through with this one, and our minds got to running
on a plan how to clean out the sutler before leaving the camp.
On the evening that this work was to take place, the old fellow
was on guard all night and kept his lamps burning. I always
thought that he had gotten wind of our intentions. This be*
ing the last night that we remained here in camp, the sutler was
not cleaned out as he should have been. But then I think 1
am square with him for I still owe him a bill of five dollars.

On the I2th of June, (1863), at about 2 o'clock p. m., we
commenced the famous march to Gettysburg. It was very dry
for we had had no rain since the 9th of May. The dust was
from two to three inches deep; and one could see the heat
waves curl up from the dry roads about twenty-five feet, hav-
ing the appearance of the sun shining on a piece of hot iron.
The wells and springs were about all dry, and the creeks very
low. The clouds of dust would rise about one hundred feet
above us, and I was informed that these clouds of dust could
be seen for miles.

Here is where I failed to carry out my part of the agreement
with the doctor when I left the hospital. Instead of returning to
the hospital I shouldered my knapsack, one hundred rounds of am-
munition, three days rations, and a new Austrian rifle, I stepped
in the ranks with the boys. I had gained somewhat in flesh

and strength, but could not eat the coarse rations but kept

13

194 HISTORY OF THE IS3D REGT.

in ranks for eight or ten miles, when I called a halt. I took
a look through my knapsack, and found I had some clothing

which I could get along without and when I got through with

my search the knapsack looked about as thin as I did. After
this I met the Chaplain, and he was very anxious to know how
I was getting along. As the water in the canteen had gfiven out
and I was very thirsty, I told him that water was scarce and
hard to get and I thought a good drink of whiskey would be i
great help to move a fellow along. I was hinting very strongfly
for a drink. But instead of getting a drink, I lost the friend-
ship of the Chaplain .... I soon came up with my Company, and
here I found a negro wench in the ranks hoofing it along like
a good fellow, but she soon dropped to the rear. We went into
camp about dark, and, oh, my! such sore feet as I had. When
I pulled off my socks .... every toe had a blister and on the big
joint back of the big toe the skin came off with the sock, as
big as an old fashion copper cent. I did not stop to eat supper
that night, but I lay down on my rubber blanket with my over-
coat for cover, and was soon in the land of dreams.

June 13th reveille sounded at 3 a. m., and we left camp just
at the break of day. There had been considerable speculation
the day before as to where we were going. And as the road
had been bearing toward the left, or south, the word was 'left
to Richmond ;' when the road turned toward the right this
morning, saying was 'right for Washington.' My feet were in
a very bad condition. . . .after marching. . . .for eight or ten miles,
two large blisters formed on the bottom of my feet about an
inch wide and two inches long. I had to stop and open these
blisters and it was just like walking on coals of fire after this
operation. It was not long before I was getting into the rear.
I got so far behind the columns that I finally got into the ambu-
lance corps, when I caught hold of a wagon which pulled me
along three or four miles, and I was quite relieved. I got off
the road looking for water, for I was very thirsty. I came
to a pond in a field not far from the road. This was the worst
water I ever had tried to drink. It was covered with a thick

NARRATIVES OP THE COMRADES I95

green scum with a lot of big long-legged flies skating over it.
The pond was about two inches deep and filled with young
frogs — ^the water was thick and smelled so strong that I could
not drink it. But I must have water and filled my canteen out
of this pond. I put into the canteen about two teaspoonfuh
of coffee to flavor it. I came up with my Company shortly
after, — and as I stepped into the ranks the boys asked me 'have
you got any water?' Not a drop was my answer, still having
about half a canteen of the stuff I had gotten out of the pond.
But water was water and I could not give it away. I drank
it all before we came to water again.

We stopped to cook a cup of coffee about noon. Here was
a little stream of water not over one foot and a half wide and
about three or four inches deep, running water. It was
pure, but as far as I could see up the stream the boys were
washing their feet in it, and by the time it got down to where
we were it was pretty well flavored. But this use of it made
no difference to us. We made coffee out of it, drank of it, and
washed our feet in it, and as far as I could see down the
stream everybody was using it for the same purposes.

I bought a pair of woolen socks from one of my comrades
for fifty cents on credit, for we had no money. I do not re-
member now whether I ever paid for them, but I promised to
do so, and that was enough those days. By the time I got my
feet fixed up.... the bugle called for us to get up and travel.
I started with the regiment, and kept up for some time, but I
had to frequently stop to fix up my feet by the operation on
their bottoms. . . .and under these circumstances got away to the
rear of my )regiment into the wagon train. By degrees I
caught up with the regiment, about a mile before it reached
camp, on Cedar Run. . . .when I came up my Company gave three
cheers for me as they always did on my arrival. We were just
starting when a big fellow by the name of Benjamin Mann,
dropped in the road with sun-stroke and was carried out under
a shade tree and the doctor called. He was with us again in a

196 HISTORY OF THE IS3D R£GT.

few days but the poor fellow was killed at Gettysburg. I will
mention him again before the end of my story. We went into
camp at Cedar Run about 5 o'clock p. m. We made thirty miles
this day. It was on a wager with the 2d Brigade. Brigadier
von Gilsa had put up three hundred dollars that the ist Brigade
could out-march the 2d. The ist Brigade was in camp about one
hour before the 2d arrived. The General (Gilsa) made a
fine little speech to us congratulating us on our marching quali-
ties, and thanking us for making the distance in the short time
and beating the 2d Brigade.

After supper (coffee and hard-tack) — I went down about
one hundred yards through a nice meadow, to take a bath. I
thought I would return to camp in my bare feet, but I could
not walk, so I got down on my hands and crawled back to
camp. . . .an incident happened on the march. We came to a well
which had an old fashioned oaken bucket and windlass. The
crowd around the well was about two rods deep, and every man
as dry as harvest hands. I worked my way up through the
crowd and came behind a big fellow by the name of Wolf who
belonged to Company D. He looked over his shoulder and said
to me, *hang on to me Rube/ I got hold of Wolf with my
tin in hand, and held to his waist. He got hold of the bucket
as soon as he could reach it. Three men on the other side of
the well got hold of it the same time Wolf did. Wolf got the
bucket and two of the men on the other side came very near
falling in. My tin was full of dust, but was the first one in the
bucket. But to get the tin out full of water was quite another
thing. All that could crowded their tins on top of mine, and
by the time I got mine out I had a half tinful of dust and water.
By the time I had drank this the bucket had fallen to the bottom
of the well. The boys went marching on. I think Wolf did
not get a drop of water for his trouble.

On the 14th reveille sounded at about 5 o'clock. After break-
fast of coffee and hard-tack, a rumor came through camp that
this was Sunday, and that it would conflict with General How-
ard's religious principles to march on Sunday. I for one was

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 197

wishing that the Generars religious spell would last all day,
but by ten o'clock a. m. the bugle sounded calling us to get
ready to march. While we were packing the band gave us
lots of music. But music had very little effect on us for we
were too near dead If I had been offered ten thousand dol-
lars this morning to march ten miles I would have refused it;
for in my condition it was impossible for me to march. After
the music, came the old familiar command *fall in.'" But the
boys did not get up and fall in, but answered the call in lan-
guage I have requested the historian to omit if he thought best.
As our officers could not get us started, finally our old Brigadier
General von Gilsa gave the command in his strong vernacular
(full of expletives) which had the desired effect to get the
command in motion. On account of the condition of the men
it was almost impossible to move them. We rested at the end
of the first half mile; the next coming at the end of a mile;
then we made a few miles when we began to get warmed up
then there were no more stops until we came to Broad Run.
Being behind when the rest came into camp I told the doctor
that I could not go any further. Dr. Stout told me that when
the column started I should drop out and he would g^ve me a

pass for the ambulance, and that he knew that I was not able

to keep in ranks. ... I went down to the run for some water. . . .it
was the same old story everybody's feet needed a washing and as
far as I could see up the creek it was full of men, horses, and
mules. I got my dinner of hard-tack and coffee. . . .started be-
fore the regiment and came to a nice shady place by the road-
side. Here I waited to keep my appointment with the doctor,
but when the regiment came along the boys all dropped into the
shade. After a little rest I felt better and started off with the
regiment, having put off my appointment with the doctor.
After a mile or so we had another rest, then they got us down
to business again. We struck the Orange and Alexander rail-
road near Catlett Station then followed the railroad to
Manassas Junction. Here were some general officers reviewing
us. The dust from Manassas to Bull Run was about three

198 HISTORY OF THE IS3D REGT.

inches deep. Just as I had thought of dropping out to wait
for the doctor we heard a few cannon shots in the direction
of Bull Run. We were lined on the side of the road for two
batteries and a regiment of cavalry to pass in that dust. I think
that for a distance of four miles ahead of us we could see

nothing ten feet in front of us on account of the dust my hips

were raw from the belt of my cartridge box. I took off the belt
and placed it about my shoulders, and kept in ranks until 1
got to Bull Run. Here I was attacked with a sort of blindness
and dropped beside a tree. I had a fellow with me when I
stopped, but when he left me I did not know, but found myself
alone in the dark at Bull Run. I filled my canteen and took the
road to Centreville. After crossing the Run I met an artillery-
man. I asked him about the ist division of the Eleventh
Corps, and he informed me that they had gone on to Centre-
ville, five miles distant. This bit of .news was not very
encouraging. Five miles to go alone after night, tired and
footsore. I soon met another fellow and he said they were
encamped on the McHenry farm, and pointed out to me the
campfires. I took a cross-cut and came to an old mill race
with about a foot of water in it, and wading through it soon
came to a camp. But the men around the campfire looked
strange to me ; they were so dusty, that their uniforms looked
more like the Rebel gray than the Union blue. I knew none of
the men. I asked for the ist division of the Eleventh Corps, then
for the 1st brigade and to both inquiries the answer was, here.
I then asked for the 153d Regiment and the answer I got was,
here. Then I asked for Company F, and got the same answer,
here. Here I was in my own Company and did not know them.

I tried to make a cup of coffee, but a fellow stepped on a
stick and upset my coffee pot into the fire. I gave him a dutch
blessing and went to bed without my supper. This day we had
marched twenty-two miles .... Bull Run was always looked upon
as dangerous ground, and whenever we got into the neighbor-
hood of it we looked for a fight. . . .

On the 15th we drew some rations and among them was the

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES I99

same old mess pork, the fatty portion of which was six inches
thick. This was the first meat of any kind we had received
since the 12th of June, the meals of the intervening days had
been crackers and coffee and coffee and crackers. We had
no time to cook the pork so we would cut off a slice, run a stick
through it and toast it over the fire to fry the salt out of it.

Then scrape the salt off it and eat it just about raw It was

not long after we left camp the drinking commenced, and we
drank all the water we could find along the road. It made no
difference to us whether it was good or clean, only so it was
wet. The weather was very warm and drinking so much
water caused many poor fellows to fall by the wayside. We
came along where they were burying men who had died from
the effects of drinking too much water. . . .we did not know how
soon our time would come to go hence. We got to Centre-
ville somewhere between 8 and 9 a. m., and I was not long
finding a spring, with a crowd about three rods thick. I
crowded into the spring. By lying down I could reach the
water, could get about one-third of a tin full at each dip, and
got my canteen full of mud and water. I got out of the crowd
and came up to the village and soon saw another well with a
wooden pump in it. I was the first man on the ground. I met

a boy about ten years of age at the well iHe said let me fill

your canteen. I told him to let me see some of the water first
as my canteen was full of spring water. Such excellent water
I had not seen for many a day. I told him he might fill my
canteen and he went to work at once. He commenced to
pour out the contents — mud. water, coffee grounds, lemon peels
and the like. It was truly laughable to see the look of astonish-
ment on the lad's face as he saw the contents of the canteen

well my tin cup. coffee kettle, canteen, myself included were
all full of that good water, and I left the boy with a soldier's
blessing. . . .on my arrival in the street I met doctor Stout, and
asked him whether he wished a drink. . . .he emptied the tin cup
for me and said, 'where did you get that water?' I told him
and he went to fill his canteen. . . .we removed our camp to a

200 HISTORY OF THE IS3D REGT.

meadow, near a nice spring, .... General Hinzleman's Corps was
encamped around Centreville, and some of his men called on us.
But they did not seem to think much of us, claiming we were
too dirty and hard looking for gentlemen to associate with.
We removed our shoes, and dressed our feet. Then we lay
around all day, and needed no camp g^ard to keep the boys
in camp. In the evening the Hinzleman soldiers had dress
parade, with their shoes blackened and white gloves on. This
was the only time I had seen white gloves while in the army
of the Potomac.

If I remember right it was on this evening that our Colonel

Glanz arrived, returning from Richmond, Libby prison We

all turned out in our stocking feet to greet the Colonel. He
made a speech to us and dropped a few silent tears. The old
man had changed since I had seen him last. He was quite
corpulent when he was with us before, but when he got back
he was just about as thin as I was. After he joined us he went
with the regiment a few days, but he did not take command,
o.s he claimed he was not well.... On the 17th as I arose, a
comrade of mine by the name of Henry Zearfass, was still
sleeping. I aroused him and told him to get his breakfast as
there was a hard day's march before us. He told me his
commissary supplies had run out. I took my cap and went
?. round among the boys and soon had it full of coffee, sugar and
hard-tack which filled his haversack for him. He was a nice
young fellow, but he had no cheek. He would starve before
he would beg. After breakfast while we were packing up my
tent-mate had a nice piece of bacon, and he said to me *Rube
I am going to throw this away I can't eat pork anyhow.' I
told him to give it to me I would carry it ; for I thought the

gentleman would eat pork about noon. And I was right we

left Centreville about 4 a. m.,. . . .We had made five or six miles
when a halt was made, and this brought us to a house. There were
three men at the house, one had a bandage around his head,
one had his arm in a sling, the other was lame. The boys
accused them of being Rebels, and they denied it. Myself and

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 201

ethers were leaning against the garden fence. In the garden
there was a nice bed of onions, the fence fell over and all I
got was two onions and as the bugle sounded for us to fall
in I looked down across the meadow and saw some of the
Germans after a drove of geese. They were using a long pole
with which they were knocking the heads off the geese. That

was to me a new way of killing geese After marching a

few miles we came to a little creek. Here we were ordered to
fill our canteens, as we would not again find water for twelve

miles we kept in ranks for about ten miles. The water had

given out, the sun was very hot, and I commenced to get blind.
I told my tent-mate I would drop in the shade a few minutes,
and he said he was with me. We stopped about fifteen minutes
then went on. The road was lined with men who were occu-
pying every shady place. My Company had fifty-six men, and
our orderly sergeant with five men were all that were left to
stack arms. My partner's nickname was *Chunkey.' He was
over six feet tall and very thin. We were about 15 minutes
late coming up to camp and when we halted, I said to Chunkey
which will you do build a fire or go to the creek for water?
.... We took a seat under a shade tree to eat our dinner, —
coffee, hard-tack and raw bacon. I brought out the piece of
bacon which Chunkey was going to throw away in the morning.
1 cut off a corner and began to eat it when I said Chunkey
have a piece it tastes good. I handed his piece which was five
inches square and two inches thick, and he ate it with great
relish, the grease meantime dropping from his chin before he
got through with it. The 18 or 20 miles we had come from

Centreville had brought Chunkey to his appetite we moved

on a few miles further and went into camp on the banks of
Goose Creek, by a mill dam, a splendid place to swim, and I
think everybody took a bath. In the afternoon when the rear
g^ard came into camp they brought with them about a dozen
to fifteen long-legged narrow-chested pleasant Virginia farmers.
They had their hands in their pockets, stood round shouldered
like a hound in a mush-pot. They were under a strong guard.

202 HISTORY OP THE I53D REGIMENT

It rained some during the night, and they were the picture of
distress the next morning. I then learned that two of our men had
had their ears cut off, and that two had been found with their
throats cut. They all belonged to our brigade, which was the
reason for bringing these innocent, peaceable farmers into our
camp. What was done with them I never learned. They all
looked as if hanging might be too good for them. I always
had respect for a man who being an enemy would declare
himself such, and come out and fight. But I never had any love
for those innocent bushwhackers

We remained on the banks of Creek till the afternoon,

when we moved about a mile back from the Creek and en*
camped near a farm house. The old farmer was Rebel to the
back-bone. He would not take the oath of allegiance and the
boys took everything he had, and would have carried off the
farm, but he took the oath and had a guard furnished him.

As we went into our camp we put up our pup tent, as a
heavy thunderstorm was coming our way. It rained very hard
and continued all night. After we had our supper and had
smoked the pipe of peace, I and Chunkey, and the other mess-
mate whom we shall call Feldy, for that was his nickname,
had gone to bed and I was asleep. I was called up to go on
picket .... in this detail for pickets there were seventy-five from
our regiment. W^e were marched to division 'headquarters,
where we were ordered to load our guns, and where we were
joined by other details, from other regiments, in all about three
hundred men. We were then placed in charge of three mounted
officers and started for the picket line. We were to relieve the
pickets who were out. The night was pitch-dark, and we could
not see the man that was in front of us, so in order to keep
together each man took hold of the coat-tail of the man in
front of him. We had to cross fields which had ditches which
had been washed out by heavy rains, and it was no uncommon
incident to find five or six men on top of each other in a ditch,
or the same number taking a tumble over a big stone. .. .after

NARBATIVES O^ THE COMRADES 203

we got through the fields, we entered a wood road where the
going was better than in the fields. How far we tramped in

the woods is more than I can tell but we could find no

pickets and our guides were hopelessly lost. They called a
halt and held a council and concluded to remain where we were.
We had passed through our picket line and it was not safe
to return that way in the darkness. Chances were that some-
body might get hurt. We got orders to make ourselves as
comfortable as we could and not make any noise. Under cover
of my blanket leaning against a tree I was soon fast asleep
and did not wake until the break of day. As I awoke I found
I was sitting in two inches of water. As it was not the first
time that I was sleeping in a mud hole it was nothing new, and for
the first time, since we left Fredericksburg I had more water

than I needed we started back towards camp, and about

two miles back just at the edge of the woods we came into the
picket line that we were to relieve the evening before. Our
reception by the pickets was mixed with a good deal of pro-
fanity, but we called them down by informing them of how
bright they had been to allow three hundred men to pass through
their line unobserved. We relieved them, and after spending
two hours on post returned to camp. We remained in this
camp until June 24th. Nothing occurred during this time ex-
cept we were ordered to fall in one afternoon, and were in-
formed that three deserters were to be executed near Leesburg,

Va I did not see much in it only that such was the doom

of deserters, and I suppose was intended to give us a pointer
not to desert. During our time here some sick who had re-
covered were returned, and those who were found sick with us
were sent to that city. In our Company there was one man
who thought he was sick. The rest of the Company thought
he was playing off sick, and was trying to get into the hospital
.... He reported to the doctors, was examined and came back
to the Company with a gun and cartridge box. The first
salute he received was, 'hello, you've got a box of pills, blue
mass at that. They are enough to cure up any man in short

204 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

order.' Well the fellow got a great send oflF, and made him-
self scarce in a hurry and as near as I can remember he was
cured. We had another fellow in our Company who was not
well enough to carry arms. But his haversack had gotten too
small for a sick man ; so he went according to General Hooker's
orders and made one out of a rubber blanket which would hold
eight days rations. I am sure that it would hold more than
three ordinary haversacks. I met this fellow once on a hard
march in a wagon train. All he carried was the big haversack,
and canteen, and a big staff in his hand to help him along, for
he had the rheumatism. He was a regular out-and-out hospi-
tal bum In the afternoon of the 24th we were notified to pack

we felt rested and ready for the road. Our afternoon's

march was only eight or ten miles to Edwards Ferry on the
Potomac river. We went into camp near a farm house on
a bluff, half a mile back of the river. . . .where we waited for the
completion of the bridge then in course of construction. Here
we had just a little fun. Our neighbors in one of the German
regiments had found a sow and ten pigs, the pigs were nice
and plump, about ten weeks old. They were nice for roasting.
The dutch had killed all the pigs by the time I got around, and
were just going for the old sow. She was about five feet long
and three feet high and six inches wide. They had caught her
and were holding a council of war over her. Some wanted
her killed ; others thought she was too lean. Able remarks were
made on both sides. The final decision was to let her go, and she
went. . . .we retired to our bunks early as there were indications
that we were to have a hard day's march on the morrow, and we
did not know at what hour they might take a notion to start
with us. On the 25th reveille sounded before three o'clock, and
we were early crossing the pontoon bridge, which seemed to be a
mile long. By keeping step we got quite a swing on it. We received

many commands to break step but we felt like giving the

officers a good swing, and gave them a shaking up before we
got across. But we also got our shaking up before night. We
went through Poolsville and up the Potomac then turned a

NARRATIVES OP THE COMRADES 20$

northeastern direction and crossed a mountain. It rained in the
afternoon, a very cold rain. On arrival near Jefferson, Md.,
in the evening we were tired and wet. We camped in a nice
field. The farmer turned out three teams to haul cord wood to
save his fences. But impatiently we made a raid on a fence,
the order of the officer was that we should take only the top
rail, which we did until we reached the bottom, and took that
also if it was not rotten. We had cleaned up about one hundred
rods of fence by the time the teams arrived with the cord wood.
It rained all night and we were wet to the skin, spent a miserable
night, and after the usual old bill of fare in rain and high wind,
the command came to fall in and we marched through Jefferson.
The band struck up a jig, the boys gave a cheer, and the ladies
waved their handkerchiefs, and the remarks made were, *Who
wouldn't be a soldier ?'

Passing through mud from four to six inches deep, baggage
wet and heavy, we passed on to the battle ground of South
Mountain, near Burkettsville. Here we found a good many
graves, mostly of New Jersey troops. Our brigade was sent in
to this place to guard the gap; the rest of the corps went by
another road to Middletown where we met them later. . . .Cher-
ries were ripe and very plentiful in this place, and the boys did
not object *to pick cherries.* I and Chunkey took a walk....
had some cherries, when late in the afternoon Feldy came in
camp with a great loaf of bread, about seven by sixteen inches
and also three pounds of fresh butter. I asked him where he
got them, and he said he bought them. I said where did you get
the money; for I knew he had none. He answered that he
borrowed it.... I never found out how he came by it; but of
course I had my own opinion how he got it, for I never believed
that any member of our mess would take anything and not pay

for it or at least promise to pay Let me state right here, that

was the best bread and butter that I ever ate.

.... In the evening a brigade of cavalry came over the moun-
tain into Burkettsville they were the drunkenest brigade that I

ever saw. Officers and privates were alike. I saw two privates

206 HISTORY OP THE I53D R£GT.

trying to keep an officer on the saddle, I also saw officers trying
to keep a private in the saddle. Some of them had to lay over
till the next day, before they were able to follow up their ccMn-
mand. I was informed that they had struck a distillery, but
I think the distillery must have struck them

On the 28th of June reveille awoke us at 3 a. m. By 4
o'clock we were on the road to Middletown. As we were march-
ing past General von Gilsa's Headquarters the General was
standing at the gate, and the Company, to salute him, came to
'shoulder arms.* Just as Lieutenant Barnes of our Company
gave the command to shoulder arms, the General gave the com-
mand 'arms at will/ and as we did not obey promptly he re-
peated the command, and made the remark 'you need not care
for your little Major/ This caused quite a laugh in the ranks.
Our regiment was commanded on this campaign by the Major
. . . .We joined our corps between Middletown and Hagerstown,
expecting to remain in this camp during the day. . . .we took the
Pike to Frederick City, Md. The weather was warm, and there
were many fine residences along the Pike.... cool shady places
were occupied by the residents .... we would see the natives
sit on their porches, with standing collars, shoes blackened,
and smoking cigars. It brought a fellow back to see how folks
live in God's country, and what home comforts a fellow could
have if he were only there. To be honest about it this was the
only day that I had the blues while I was in the army. .. .but
it was tramp, tramp, all day long. . . .no halt until near an hour
before sunset.... we were formed into platoons, front and
closed up. and as I was pretty well in the advance of the column,
and as the Hagerstown Pike has a down grade into Frederick
City, I had a grand view back over that column. The Pike
was packed full of infantry as far as I could see, and they were
from 16 to 20 men abreast .... the gun barrels glistening in

the evening sun made a sight never to be forgotten we kept

on marching. . . .and began to feel hungry as we had breakfast
between three and four in the morning, and all we had to eat
was dry hard-tack minutes turned into hours, and still on

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 20/

went the columns. Some general officers passed along the col-
umns after dark, and I think Howard and Barlow were among

them it was a steady marching and no halt until ii o'clock

p. m we were ready for the road a little after daylight on

the following morning

The farther we got north the more loyal the people were.
We met on the cross roads great crowds of men, women and
children, and along the farm houses were set tubs of water for
us. I never heard of any man, woman or child being insulted

we traveled through a very fine section of country this day

and about six o'clock p. m. arrived at Emmitsburg, all tired

the sun came out and we had a nice day on the 30tH of

June for a boy of nineteen years I felt old, my knee being

stiff, it was with difficulty that I could walk it was not long

till Chunkey and Feldy came in from picket. I was out of
money and out of smoking tobacco. The Captain came to my
relief. He bought me a pound of tobacco, and a pair of socks.
The Captain of our Company (L. Q. Stout) had been sick since
early in the spring. . . .and on account of his disability he was not
in command of his Company, but he was with us whenever there
was a chance to get with us. Prior to this he wanted to resign,
but we would not let him. He was one of the best officers to his
men that was in the army. He came to Emmitsburg on the
evening of the 29th of June. He told me he had $79 dollars
and by the evening of the 30th he did not have a cent left. He
bought tobacco, socks and all those little things which the boys
needed. I think this was the first time that we had the pleasure
of seeing him since we left CentreviUe. He was going to take
command of the Company, but the doctor would not let him.
The doctor said he must be kept quiet, and away from all ex-
citement During the day we moved to the north of the town,

where our artillery had taken up position, and had some works.
A thunder storm came up in the afternoon, and consequently
we put up our tent. As we came through the town I noticed a
nice bed of onions in a garden, and just about dusk I returned
to town and borrowed a few onions out of that garden The

208 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

next morning we left for Gettysburg before the pickets came
in* and consequently I got into that first day's fight and the
picket did not get there in time to get into it. But they got
a good dose in the skirmish line on the 2d day. They were
all wounded but one or two before the battle was over. I can
just remember one by the name of Rube who did not get hurt.
It was the night before the battle that I shirked picket duty.
But all is fair in love or war. Little I dreamed of the terrible
slaughter that would take place on the morrow ; and little did we
think of the many that would be called to death before we should
see another night.

On the 1st of July, 1863, reveille was not heard early after

breakfast which I think was between six and seven o'clock, —

quite a little after we heard ^Officers call' — the officers came
back and ordered us to clean up our guns as we might expect a
skirmish before night. We all laughed at the idea of finding
Rebels in Maryland and Pennsylvania. I think there was not
one of us who knew that there was a Rebel on northern soil,
at least I did not, nor did I care. We cleaned up our g^uns;
that is swabbed them out, and saw that they were dry on the
inside, and in good trim for active service. We had rain the

night before, and it was a cloudy, close morning The next

order we got was to pack up : just after that we all fell into line,
when our Captain came along the line and was shaking every
one by the hand and giving us goo<l-bye. Poor fellow I think
he was better informed than we were, for the tears were rolling
down over his checks. . . .as near as I could judge the time, with-
out a watch, it must have been after nine o'clock before we
left camp. We went verj' slow starting out. At the state line
we were informed that we were crossing into Pennsylvania, our
caps went up in the air and gave three cheers for our native

State The wagon train of the First Corps had blocked the

road, and we were delayed for some time on account of it. Then
we started across the fields to the right, went through com

*A detachment of 200 men which had been sent on duty at Emmits-
burg.

NARRATIVES OF THB COMRADES 209

and wheat fields, till we got to another road, we had just

gotten into this road when we saw a horseman coming at a
fearful gallop. I thought he was riding a white horse, but
when we got to the head of the column, I saw it was a bay and
the lather on him must have been an inch thick. I also noticed
that we began to step out faster, and it was not long till we
saw another messenger with more orders from the front. 1
heard the boys say *there is another long envelope coming,*
as they called General Orders. We met five or six of these be-
fore we reached Gettysburg. After we had received the second
one we got down nearly to a dog trot, and kept that gait until
we got to Gettysburg The next thing we heard was can-
nonading, but it sounded as if it were twenty-five miles away.
The boys thought there was no use marching so fast, for we
would be dead long before we could get there. But the cannon-
ading was getting plainer, and we could hear the reports better.
.... The trot was kept up till we got to Gettysburg. It was wery
nearly a double-quick for eight miles. Bates in his history
.... states that the Eleventh Corps was tardy in coming up to
Gettysburg. I am of the opinion that if Bates had been in the
ranks with us that day he would have rendered a diflFerent report.
We had hard marching before in this campaign, but this was the
worst. Some historians say that the roads were dusty. This
is another mis-stated item. The roads were muddy, and in the

town of Gettysburg mud must have been four inches deep

But let us not forget the ladies of the town. They stood along
the sidewalks with buckets of water, and doing all they could for
the men. God bless them. Our band played as we entered the
town. Cannon were booming, and musketry rattling, while
wounded were being brought back through the town. By all ap-
pearances the ball was on ... we got through the town and
just at the edge of it the band stepped to the right, and let us
take the right of way. As soon as we got clear of the town we
received another reception, but this was in the shape of solid

shot, shells and everything that could be shot out of a

cannon. Here we got the same old command to forward, double-

14

2IO HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

quick, and away we went for the big red bam at the Almshouse.
The shells were coming pretty thick before we reached the bam.
Some were going over us, and some did not quite reach us. A
shell exploded right over the column, and every man dodged for
the instant. We had a little fellow in the company who threw
himself on the grass, and while I was looking at him and laugh-
ing, and not paying attention to my feet, the foot on the game
leg struck a big stone and I fell stretching about a rod before I
got down. The ranks opened and allowed me all the room I
needed, and I have no doubt they thought I was the first man kill-
ed. When I got on my feet again I was alongside of Captain
Howell of Company D, and as our guns were not loaded, I pro-
ceeded to load mine, when the Captain gave the command to
load and it passed along the column. We got to the bam with-
out the loss of a man, where we formed battalion in mass.

Here the Major addressed the regiment. The following is a
little that I remember. We were a nine-months' regiment, and
our time had expired on the 226. of June. The Major told us
our time was out and if there was a man in ranks who did not
wish to go into battle ; he should step out, that it was no disg^race :
but that the enemy was in our native state, and that the people of
Pennsylvania looked to us for relief, and that it was our duty to
protect our homes. This is not the full address, but the main
points, and before the speech was ended an order came for two
companies for the skirmish line. Companies A and B were de-
tailed, then the Major concluded his address. We gave three
cheers and not a man stepped out of the ranks. The bugle
sounded the advance, and we followed the skirmish line by bat-
talion in mass. All our brigade, but eight companies of our
regiment, were on the skirmish line. To the left of us was a
wheat field which was full of Rebel sharpshooters and the woods
in our front was likewise full of them. While we were ad-
vancing General von Gilsa took his position in the rear of the
skirmish line, and about fifty yards in advance of us. I heard
him talk to the skirmishers. He told them not to shoot unless
they saw something to shoot at, as ammunition was worth

NAKRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 211

money, and they must not waste it. Just at this time the bullets
commenced to whistle and some of the boys on the skirmish line
were trying to dodge them. The general told the boys to never
mind those that whistled, as long as they whistled they were all
right. The skirmishers cleaned out the wheat field and woods in
short order. We followed up the skirmishers to the woods, and
there we deployed right and left in line of battle, and advanced
about five rods into the woods, where we got into position. Then
there were more side-steps to the right so as to stretch the line
and cover more ground, till the line was not any more than a
single line. As we were all tired or more dead than alive, it did
not take us long to lie down. As soon as we got down, a battery
in the rear of us, on higher ground than we were, opened fire
over us and we could feel the heat of the balls as they passed
over us. About this time the Rebels made a charge, away to the
left of us, and the battery in the rear of us turned their guns on
them, taking them by flank. . . . We could see balls plowing
up the ground along the rear of the line, and if ever Johnnies ran
for cover those fellows did. Shortly after this they made an-
other charge near the center of our line, but to the left of us. I
think it was a feint, their object being to keep us in our position
until they got ready. As soon as they fell back I told some of
the boys near me that we would get a chance next. There was
a little stream about three rods in our front, with large trees on
the opposite side of it; so that we could not see over seven or
eight rods in front of us. Back of these trees was a large, level
piece of ground or meadow, — a good place to form troops. I
have seen the ground since, but I did not know about it at the
time. It was only a few minutes after the repulse of the charge
on the left, and I should think not over ten minutes after our line
was formed till our skirmishers commenced to come in. fol-
lowed by three lines of battle. The man on the right of me
brought up his gun and took aim on one of our own men. Cor-
poral Smith saw what he was about to do and suddenly struck
his gun, raising it in the air so that though the gun discharged,
the man was saved. The skirmisher was not one rod from us
when this happened. It did not take the skirmishers long to get

212 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

through our line I fired my gun and as I was taking a cart-
ridge a man behind me was shot. He fell half his length ahead
of me, his face towards me. Here was the only time in my life
when I tried to look cross-eyed. I was trying to get a cartridge
into the muzzle of my gun on my left and watch that fellow dying

on my right and just at this moment the man on my left

was killed the thought occurred that I might be the next ; and

there was no use being excited about it there was no running,

but good, solid fighting. We had fired four or five rounds when
I heard the order to fall back. Just at this time I was very much
interested in a Rebel color-bearer. The enemy was only two or
three rods from us. Our line was broken in the left and our
right was attacked in flank. There was nothing left for us to
do but to retire or surrender. The only protection on our right
flank was the men with Lieutenant Barnes and Orderly Sergeant
Seiple of our company. . . .We were ordered to fall back, but I
did not obey this order with the rest of the regiment, for I was

very much interested in the color-bearer he was coming

through the creek in front of us. The creek was about twenty
feet wide, and about three feet deep.... he was yelling like an
Indian. At the time I was returning ramrod....! thought for
the moment I will fix him as soon as I can get a cap on my
gun, but while I was placing the cap I changed my mind as the
thought occurred he could do very little harm with that Rebel rag,
that I had better shoot a man with a gun. There ^as a low fence
between us — about four or five rails high — and about two rods in
our front. A Johnnie reb was a little in advance of the wild
color-bearer, with his gun at trail arms, and was about reaching
for the top rail with his left hand, which was about hip high.
When I fired he struck his hand against his side and dropped.
He did not come over the fence. Up to this time I had been
flown on my right knee with my left one cocked, which gave me
a very good rest for my elbow in firing. After I had stopped the
reb on the other side of the fence, I arose and drew a cartridge,
and while I was tearing it. I looked to the rear and our men had
all fallen back about two rods, firing as they retired. This gave me

NARRATIVES OP THE COMRADES 21 3

a good view of those that were left dead on the first line of
battle. It presented a regular swath of blue coats, as far as I
could see along the line. They were piled up in every shape, some
on their backs, some on their faces, and others turned and twisted
in every imaginable shape. There was a dead man on each side
of me. As I stood between those two lines of battle, viewing the
windrow of human dead composed of my old comrades, it pre-
sented a picture which will never fade from my memory while I
remain on earth — a picture which tongue cannot tell nor pen
describe. The bullets were whistling about like hail. I seemed
to wear a charmed life, and the bullet was not yet made that
could hit me. But I was soon undeceived. I had not gotten back
much over two rods when I felt something strike my left knee, as
we were in the woods I thought a bullet had struck a chip, and
that the chip had hit me on the knee. When I looked at my knee
I saw a bullet hole in my pants. I had not gone over five steps
when I felt a similar sensation in my other knee. This one had
cut a little deeper, which I discovered by pulling up my leg. I
was between two brush piles as we were passing out of the woods

after I was hit the second time, I went over the brush pile

and toward the enemy, into an open field. It was a very hot
place as we were under two cross-fires and a good fire from the
rear. Both balls that hit me were from the cross-fire. There
was a battery about three or four hundred yards in our rear on
what they call Barlow's Knoll now. It was at this place we were
ordered to fall back. I expected we would fall back to this place
and there make a stand. But as soon as I got out of the woods
I saw the battery was limbered up and was retiring. This wa«
not all I saw. The first thing to mention was my partner Chunky.
He was about a rod ahead of me wading through a stream of
bullets. I thought Chunky was all right, that his legs were so
slim no bullet could touch them. But he must have been in-
jured just after I saw him, and was hit after all ; his leg was
saved, but he was left a cripple for life. He lay on the field all
that night and was not picked up until the next day. There was
a young fellow in our company by the name of Trombower, and
just as we were coming out of the woods he stepped up along-

214 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

side of a big oak and drew up his gun to fire. Instead of going
behind the tree he stood beside it and leaning his g^n against
the tree said, *Come boys, let us give them what they deserve.'
Just at that instant a ball passed through his right shoulder, his
gun dropped, and I will not attempt to describe the looks on his
face, which had wonderfully changed in a second. But he was
made of the good old stuff, and worked the gun up against his
other shoulder and fired.

Everybody has heard of Jake Snyder's ride, but nobody has
heard of John Snyder's run, or retreat, at Gettysburg. We had
an old fellow in the company by the name of John Snyder, whom
nobody supposed could be moved to go faster than a walk. He
was hard of hearing, and being too slow for drill, he was used
for doing the chores about camp. But he always carried a gun.
He was good enough to go into battle, for he could stop a bullet
as good as anybody. Just as I came out of the woods I looked
toward where the battery had been posted on the hill and I saw
John Snyder in full retreat, with his head drawn down behind
his knapsack and his heels flying. He was the only man in our
company that I saw running at Gettysburg. It is true that we
were driven back for two miles. After I got into the open field,

I took that way out. Our right was now our left in retiring .

I here saw a long line of the enemy closing in on our right (or
what had been our right in advancing). This line of battle, over
a mile long, was closing in on us like a gate. By the time our
troops had gotten on Barlow's Knoll I had worked myself along
in a straight line with the red barn at the Almshouse. To my
right our troops were dropping like flies, and to my left was that
solid line advancing and firing. I was at no time one hundred
yards from the Rebel line. I passed along their front for nearly
a mile till I got to the red barn. Long before I got to the bam,
I could hear the voice of General von Gilsa. He was dismount-
ed. A bay horse came along the line with saddle and bridle on.
The general called on the men to catch his horse, which was soon
surrounded and the general was in his saddle in less than a
minute. Bv the twitches of the horse's tail the old man must

NARRATIVES OP THE COMRADES 21 5

have been tickling the horse with his spurs. It did not take him
long to form a line of battle about half way between our first
position and the town. He rode up and down that line through a
regular storm of lead, meantime using the German epithets so
conmion to him. I could hear the words *rally boys'. .. .This
line was ordered to fall back before I got into it, which still left
me between two fires. I finally got to the red barn, where the
hij^est post fence I had ever seen confronted me. I threw my
gun over it, then commenced to climb it, but it was quite a job
to get over that fence with my lame leg. How I would have lik-
ed to enter that barn for rest, but I must move on or be taken
prisoner. When I got around the bam I met Captain Howell ....
and Lieutenant Walton of Company H, both members of my
regiment. Howell took me by the left arm and Walton by the
right, which was a great improvement, and I felt very much
pleased with my escort, but it did not last long. The captain
stated how he was wounded, and presently the lieutenant fell
from a wound and came near dragging me with him. Walton
was a large man, weighing about two hundred and forty pounds.
Barnes and Beidelman tried to lift Walton into a window, and
being very heavy they could not lift him. They pressed two
big privates into the service, and I kept on as the enemy was
only about fifty yards behind us. After this I met Feldy. A
piece of a shell had struck his knee-cap and he was quite lame. . . .
after getting into the town I saw a young lady with a pail of
water, and as I was very thirsty I stopped to take a drink. While
I was in the act of drinking I looked toward the back end of the
house and at the back porch I saw Captain Meyers of our regi-
ment. He was seated on a chair, his head hanging on his chest
and his hands by his side. We both concluded he could not live
long. The lady invited me into the house, but I thanked her and
told her that the enemy was not far behind and that I did not
wish to be captured. This was the last time I saw the captain.
Some years ago I saw an article in the National Tribune, written
by Captain Meyers of Kansas, and that was the first that I knew
he was still alive and that he had been shot through the lungs.
I retreated until I got to York Street. Here I came up to and

2l6 HISTORY OP THE I53D REGT.

I

through our line of battle, which must be a mile and a half from
our first line of battle. I found General Gilsa just in the rear
of the line, and as the men came into the line, those who were
not wounded were ordered to rally on their colors, and I was
ordered into the hospital. About this time I here saw the
actions of a man which I could not understand. He had his gun
on his shoulder, the line of battle could not stop him; the pro-
vost marshal could not stop him; I saw a cavalryman strike at
him with his sabre which barely missed his head, being warded
off by the gun barrel on which the blow struck fire. But this
thing in the shape of a man did not wink or dodge, but marched
through the guard as if there was nothing in his line of retreat ;
and for all I know he is still retreating. Instead of going to the
hospital. . . .1 sat down on a stone mounting block by the curb.
I was too tired to think of any danger, for I felt confident that
this was the end of the retreat for the present. I saw a brigade
of infantry and a battery of artillery were coming up the street
and going into action not eight rods from where I was seated. .
An amusing sight was to see the batteries cross the stone wall.
The fence had been thrown down, leaving it about two feet
high, and these batteries came over the fence on a dead run.
There was fun to see the cannoneers bounce. They unlimbered
in short order, and were warming the Rebs in great shape. . . .1
thought it was no more than right and proper that they should
be encouraged a little. . . .1 made noise enough to attract the at-
tention of General von Gilsa, who told me to get back to a hos-
pital, for if I did not they would kill me where I was I

saw a red flag on a church on the southeast corner of the town
.... I found the house full. I saw a sight which I will never
forget. I should call it a slaughter-house. There must have been
ten or twelve amputation tables in this room.... they were all
busy.... the doctors had their sleeves rolled up to their shoul-
ders and were covered with blood. I saw all I wanted to of this
part, and I climbed the stairs to the floor above. I found an
empty pew .... an old doctor came through the church and told
us that all who could travel should get out of the church....
that our line was breaking again .... I saw there was no chance

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 217

for a cripple to get out of the church, so I went back to my pew
and waited for service to commence. The first thing I did was

to destroy my cartridges a guard came through and relieved

me of my gun.

On investigating the position of the Union line of battle I saw
they were in possession of a stone wall or fence running from
Cemetery Ridge to Gulp's Hill. This line they held till the end

of the battle It was after 4 o'clock p. m. and as I had but a

light breakfast and no dinner, I thought I would have something
to eat. When I opened my haversack I encountered a terrible
stench. On further investigation I found that the ration of fresh
beef which we had drawn the night before and cooked, I had
forgotten to salt and it had spoiled. I asked a fellow to throw
it out of the window. I could not eat the hard-tack for they
were flavored by the meat. So I divided them between the boys
who had arms and legs off. I think I would have eaten those
hard-tack myself before I got out of that place, for I saw nothing
to eat until the morning of the 4th, which made it just three
days on an empty stomach. All we had for those days was
tea made from leaves my partner got off some mint growing on
the graves back of the church. It was nearer a grave-yard tea.
Feldy was very uneasy about Chunky. They were brothers. I
told him where I had seen him last, and he was all right. But
Feldy was not satisfied, and the next morning he went back to
where I had seen him last. He found him wounded, as I had
described before. There were but three of my Company in the
church — Sergeant John Seiple, Feldy and myself. Seiple was
wounded through the wrist and very nearly through the thigh.

His wrist was shattered and his courage low Seiple was a

good soldier, and during the first day's fight and retreat did all
any man could do to keep the company in order and retreat in
order, until he was wounded. I left Seiple in the church after
the battle and learned that he died three or four days after I
left, with lockjaw. (The writer saw him die in the nth Corps
hospital).

The man in the pew just back of me was shot in the foot

2l8 HISTORY OF THE I53D RKGT.

he turned out to be an old acquaintance of mine about four

years before this meeting we had worked together on a farm.
He belonged to the 72d or 74th Pa., and the man in the pew in
front of me had a flesh wound in the hip. He belonged to the
134th N. Y. This man's whole conversation was about home.
If he were only at home. I got very tired of his talk and told him
they were getting along at home without him. I tried every way
I could to draw his mind from home, but he was the worst home-
sick man I ever saw. 1 think it was on the second day he got sort
of childish. He wanted me to hold his hands, and I gave him
some short answer. He turned around and laid his arm on the
rail of the pew in front of him as if he were going to sleep. I
thought he had gone to sleep, having been quiet for half an
hour, when a doctor came through the aisle and asked us if
there was anything he could do for us. I told him to look at
the New York man, for he had not said anything for half an
hour, and that I thought he was dead. The doctor looked at him

and found him dead and stiff I looked out of the window.

The Rebel line of battle had settled down not over a rod from
the church, and old glory was waving over the stone wall, but
between the lines the sharpshooters were banging away until
night put a stop to the fighting. . . .The night in a hospital after
a battle I will not attempt to describe....! heard cheering in
the Union lines in the night, and by it knew that reinforce-
ments had come up. . . .so the night wore away until just about
daylight, when the cannon opened up and left us know that they
were still with us.

The morning of the 2d of July, I got down stairs to see what
was going on. Here I met a Johnnie on guard. He belonged to a
North Carolina regiment and as he seemed to be a nice kind of a
Reb I struck up a conversation with him. I asked what the
cheering meant in the Union lines. I had an opinion of my
own, but I wanted his. He tokl me that it was reported that
General McClellan was in command of the Army of the Potomac,
and if such was the case that the Rebel army had better pull out
and leave, that Mack would surely lick them. He said there was

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 2ig

no use fighting the North, for he had never seen such a rich
country as Pennsylvania, and that our towns were yet full of
men, in fact a fellow would not miss those that were in the
army. I told him that we could fight the South for the next
twenty years, and still have lots of men at home to do the
farming. I was giving him a bluff. I told him that he had
better stay north when the Rebel army retreated south, which
they would in a day or two. That our people would not kill
him and that he should stay north till the war was over. He
told me that the old flag was good enough for him, that he lived
in a rented house, and never owned a negro, that he would take
my advice and stay north but for one thing. He had a wife and

two children and if he did stay north, and the Rebels found

it out they would use his family meaner than dogs ....

After this conversation .... I went back upstairs. ^ . My pew
was so situated as to come between two windows. The brick
wall protected me from stray bullets that occasionally came
through the windows. I had a grand view of the greater part
of the battlefield....! could see both sides pitted against each
other, but the main fighting during the day was out by the Peach
Orchard, Wheat Field and Devil's Den and Round Top. Of
course I was too far from these places to see much of it, but at
the same time the fighting was coming nearer to where I was,
and a little before sundown I saw a stir and a moving about of
the Rebs under the window where I was sitting, as if they were
getting ready for some kind of a move. I also saw them drink-
ing out of a barrel. The head of the barrel was knocked in.
One would get a tin cup full and three or four would drink
out of the same cup before it was empty. It could not have been
water, for a tin of water would not have so many drinks in it.
It was straight whiskey and they were getting ready to charge
the Eleventh Corps. It was between sundown and dark when
they started in three lines of battle. Between the Rebel and
Union positions was a ridge about six or eight feet high. The
Johnnies started stooped over, scattered like a drove of sheep,
till they got to this ridge. Then every man took his place, and

220 HISTORY OP THE I53D REGT.

giving the Rebel yell, by this time our grape and oanister
began to plow gaps through their ranks. They closed up like
water, and advanced on a double-quick. This was a very in*

teresting sight to me, for I was sitting back and looking on

no one can see much of a fight while he is in it. To see grape
and canister cut gaps through ranks looks rough. I could sec
heads, arms, and legs flying amid the dust and smoke it re-
minded me much of a wagon load of pumpkins drawn up a hill and
the end gate coming out, and the pumpkins rolling and bounding
down the hill. The only fault I found with this charge was that
it got dark too soon, and I could not see the end of it.

This charge was made by Early's division of Ewell's Corps, and
was led by the famous Louisiana Tigers. The moment they
emerged to view Stevens to the right opened with all his guns
and Wiedrick and Ricketts joined in the chorus. The slaughter
was terrible. It got dark, still the fight was on.* I watched
the batteries on Cemetery PTill shelling the woods on the right
of Culp*s Hill till way into the night. I slept awhile and some-
where about II o'clock yelling around the church woke me. I
did not know whether our men held their position or not, but was
anxious to know the result. But as I could get no information
and the cannonading stopped I went to sleep again. I woke up
before daylight. The cannonading commenced about three
o'clock. I was longing for daylip^ht and trying to see if our line
was still at the stone wall. As soon as I could see I saw long
lines of Rebel infantry moving around Culp's Hill on the Union
right. There the battle opened just at the break of day. This

♦While at the State Encampment of the G. A. R., at Gettysburg, June.
1909, the writer met several citizens who gave him very valuable infor-
mation respecting the attack of the Louisiana Tigers on Cemetery Hill on
the evening of July 2. 1863. Mr. Amos U. Miller. No. 218 West
Middle Street. Gettysburg, at whose old-fashioned home many of the
comrades lodged during the encampment, accompanied the writer to the
said church, where, by the courtesy of R. M. Elliot, the janitor, we were
taken to the identical window from which our informant, Mr. Ruch.
watched the assault on that memorable evening of the battle. The place
was pointed out where the Rebel troops formed in the low ground near
the old prison.

NARRATIVES OP THE COMRADES 221

was an infantry fight, and one continual rattle of musketry, and
continued till nearly noon. But as soon as it was light enough
to see our line I saw old glory still on the stone wall. I went
downstairs to interview the guard, but this fellow was not as
pleasant as the North Carolinian. I said to him you are shoving
in your infantry on our right this morning. 'Yas/ he said,
'there was a regiment or so in thare.' He was mad at the
Eleventh Corps. His answer was that they had killed too many
of their men the night before. I told him that turn about was
fair play. He wanted to know what I meant. I asked if they
did not lick the Eleventh Corps at Chancellorsville. He answered,
*Yes we did.' And didn't you lick two divisions of the Eleventh
Corps day before yesterday? I told him the Eleventh Corps
owed them another licking to get even with them. He thought
I was about right

I retired upstairs and watched the Rebel sharp-shooters. I saw
one get on the roof of a two-story house. He was firing over the
chimney, and I thought it a bad position. If he were to get hit
and stunned the fall would kill him. He had fired four rounds
and was getting ready for another, and in the act of looking over
the chimney was hit and fell oflf the gable end. After the battle
I looked up the fellow to see where he was hit, and found that a
ball had pierced his forehead. . . .After the infantry fighting on
the right things were very quiet until about 2 o'clock, when a sul-
phuric tornado of shells broke loose. The Rebels opened the
ball with a hundred and fifty cannon and the Unions replied
with nearly one hundred. The brick church was rocking and
the windows rattling as though there was an earthquake. This
lasted one hour and three quarters. I saw lots of men turn
pale. In a joking way I asked Sergeant Seiple to go out and
stop the noise. But the fun was all out of him, and he answered
me very solemnly that we had better leave them alone.... The
church was not a very safe place, for we did not know what
minute some of these shells would come down through the roof
. . . .but when the end came another grand view came. This was
Picketts* charge I had a good view of this. . . .This was the

222 HISTORY OP THE I53D REGT.

end of the heavy fighting at Gettysburg. It was not long after
this till we received a call from a Rebel doctor and Major re-
questing all those who could walk to get out and start for Rich-
mond .... the old doctor pronounced me unable to travel, and
they made out a parole for me ... . The Rebel army left us during
the night .... I was not sorry when they were gone. The citi-
zens of the town paid us a visit and brought with them baskets
of bread, ham, and apple butter. After breakfast we got orders

for all who could to leave the town Before I left Dr. Stout

filled my pockets with bandages, lint, and sticking plaster. He
told me I would find lots of the boys who had not yet seen a
doctor, and that I could dress a wound as well as anybody, and
to keep plenty of water on the wounds. I came to Gettysburg a
mere private, and when I left I was a sort of full-fledged doctor.
I had two ramrods for canes, and my face had not been washed
for four days, my pants were ripped for two feet on the outside
seam .... so I started out with professional dignity. I struck
Baltimore Street and started for Cemetery Hill. To get to the
hill I had to walk stooped over, as the bullets from the sharp-
shooters were whizzing over my head. The Rebs were keeping
up a bold front.

I got back to where Picketts* charge had been repulsed the
day before. The sight was horrble. The dead Rebs were hang-
ing on the stone wall and on lx>th sides of the fence it was full
of dead men. On the Union side they were being carried into rows.

They had three rows started and it reminded me of gathering
the sheaves in a harvest field. I took a seat on a large stcme
near the wall and watched the men at their work for over an
hour. Then started on for the rear, and must have gotten back
about two miles from the town when I came to a bam. Of
course the barn doors were open, and I asked a man where I
could find the Eleventh Corps hospital. Just as I spoke I heard

voices in the bam which was full of wounded the boys of

our regiment who were there cheered for me, and said they had
room for me. The reason why I had such a reception was that
it had been reported that I was killed. This bam was full of

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 223

wounded men from one end to the other. Where there was room
for a man you would find one. The hay mows, the feed room,
the cow stable, the horse stable and loft. There was a work
bench in one end of the bam with a few tools, and a comrade by
the name of Jesse Soys, had the two middle fingers of his left
hand cut oflf by a piece of a shell. He was busy making
crutches, they^were not very handsome, but they answered the

purpose. I was the first doctor that had come to the barn

and I soon went to work dressing wounds. Sergeant Lantz was
the first patient. We named him Dad. He had been shot
through the thigh. Sergeant Lilly of Co. D was the next, he was
also wounded in the thigh. Wm. Riehl was the third. He was shot
in the shoulder, the ball was in his back. It was cut out the next
day. Three of us sat on him while the surgeon cut out the ball.
The ball was all battered, looking as much as if it had gone
through a stone fence. I dressed wounds until I got out of
bandages, and afterwards who should turn up but the' chaplain,
whose friendship I had lost by hinting for a drink of whiskey.
He had about a bushel of hard-tack in a bag, but they did not
amount to much in that crowd — only one apiece. Provisions be-
gan to come in that evening, and the days following the natives
brought in wagon-loads of bread, apple butter, and ham. To get
something from every wagon had to be worked by a sort of sys-
tem, and the way it was done was that two or three would escort
the chaplain to the wagon, and the instruction to him was that
he must tell the parties in charge of the wagon, that we in the ♦
bam had had nothing to eat for three days, which resulted in
getting something out of every wagon. But the chaplain had to
repeat this story every hour, and the consequence was we had
plenty to cat and some left over when I left the bam. This was
the only time in my life when I thought a preacher was any
benefit to his fellow man .... One word more about the chaplain
.... I got into the barn on Saturday, and on Sunday morning
the chaplain started to have services on the bam floor not over
five feet from me. He got down on his knees and was offering
a prayer to the Deity, and he was just getting nicely started when
some hard Christian in the cow stable yelled, *put the preacher

224 HISTORY OF THE I53D RCGT.

out* I felt sorry for my friend, the Chaplain, and praying
seemed hard under the circumstances. The yelling was kept up
during the service and consequently the prayer was cut short and
the hymn shorter. I never was in a meeting where I felt so much
like laughing, but as I was so near the preacher, out of respect
for him, I controlled myself and kept in.

Among my patients in the ward was a case of typhoid fever

I expected every hpur to be his last and all I had to give

him was water.... on the second day, another preacher came

into the barn. He did not belong to the army he had a big

jug of whiskey and a small glass, and coming up on my side

of the floor gave each man a glass.... my patient lay on the
opposite side from me and when it came his turn he tried hard to
get up, but he could not. The preacher told him that he felt
sorry for him, but in his condition he dared not give him whis-
key. The sick man begged for a drink, and when the gentleman
shook his head the poor fellow looked disappointed. I could not
stand this any longer, and as my mind was made up that the
fellow was going to die anyhow, that if he wanted a little whiskey
in this world before going to the next one he should have it. I
interceded for him, telling the preacher that this man was one of
my patients, that he had typhoid fever, and that the stimulant
was just what he needed. The man replied that if I said so he
should have it. He handed me a glass and I raised his head and
gave it to the patient. He drank it and lay down to sleep. The
thought with me was that will fix him either kill or cure. In the
last few days I had looked upon so many dead men, that one
more made no difference. My patient took a long sleep, and I
thought he would never again awake. But on that night he look-
ed up and asked me for a drink of water. He said he felt better.
The drink of whiskey had saved his life. On leaving the boys I
went round to bid them good-bye and when I called on my patient
he asked me to get his knapsack. He was then sitting up, though

very weak He presented me with a pair of canvass leggings.

He was a zouave, and stated, 'I give you these leggings, to re-
member me by, for you have saved my life. . . .'

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 22$

I learned on the third morning of my stay in the barn, that a
train left Littletown every afternoon, at five o'clock, for Balti-
more, and all those who could get to Littletown could go on ta
Baltimore and Philadelphia. I did not like to leave three of my
comrades and they could not walk, for it was eight miles to the
station. Presently a native came along with a democrat or spring^
wagon, and one horse. I stopped him and asked him to take my
three comrades to Littletown. Oh my ! he did not have the time to
spare and could not possibly do it. I called this fellow down in
great shape. I told him he \Cas not much of a man, that here
were men who had driven the enemy from their homes, and pro-
tected their property, and that these men had gotten wounded in
doing so, and were unable to get to a railroad station, and that
he could not do them the small favor to haul them to the railroad
station. He told me to let up ; that I was right, and that he had
not seen things in the true light. He said he would go, but first
feed his horse. I took him into the bam and showed him whom
to take. He asked me how I was going to get there. I told him I
would walk. He did not think I could make it, but I told him I
had a little over seven hours in which to make eight miles and I
would tr>' it. I started with some others, but was soon left be-
hind and did not get to the station until 5 p. m my limb grew

very bad from the effects of this walk. I got lunch in a charity
place, for I had not one cent to my name. On reaching the de-
pot, I met a captain of a battery. He had five flesh wounds, and
was bloody all over. He told me he had taken into battle at
Gettysburg a full battery of six guns, eighty horses, and eighty-
four men. He asked me how many of these I thought he brought
out. I replied that by the looks of him I thought there were not
many left to bring out. He told me that all he got out was forty
men and one horse. By this time the train backed in, and I found
it to be an army Pullman train, composed of box cars of a freight
train, with a bundle of hay in each car. We entered and lay down
on the hay. This was very comfortable. Our train stopped at
Hanover, where the citizens handed in a big basket of eatables,
with the request to return the basket, which we did with thanks.
We arrived in Baltimore some time in the night. Here we receiv-
15

226 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

€(i the very kindest treatment; the people assuring us that we
deserved the best of the land. The invasion had helped the citi-
zens, making them vtry friendly. My comrades could not walk,
so I left them in Baltimore (it being quite a distance to go from
one station to another) took train for Philadelphia. The night
before Christmas I met Dad Lantz in Easton, just on his way
from a New England hospital. Lilly I never met again. Twenty-
five years after the war I met Riehl in Gettysburg. We shook
hands three times, and he said, *Rube I am poor, but it does me
more good to see you than it would to find a ten-dollar gold
piece.' He said then, *I wonder if it is safe now to talk about
our sleeping on picket ?\ . . . I boarded the train for Philadelphia
and arrived in the city about 9 o'clock that night. Here we got
good meals, had wounds dressed, but instead of taking a cot as
the rest did, I lay down on the floor. About midnight the fellows
■commenced getting out of their cots and complaining of back-
ache, took positions on the floor. The beds were too soft for an
old soldier. That night and the next morning, the train-load with
which we came, was sent to West Philadelphia. Our men,
twenty in numbe*', belonging to the 153d Regiment, requested to
be sent to Harrisburg, and our request was granted. After re-
porting to general hospital, where we got dinner, we left fo'r
Harrisburg, arriving there that night about 9 o'clock. The first
thing we looked for was Uncle Sam*s boarding house, known in
war time as the Soldiers' Retreat. . . .We had one corporal in our
squad and we sent him to see about supper. He came back and
reported that the man in charge told him that we could not have
supper, that he was expecting a regiment of militia in that night.
This crowd was composed of twenty men and a corporal. We
looked ragged, bloody and dirty. Some with heads tied up, some
with arms in slings, some with crutches and canes. In fact — we
looked as if we had seen service, had been to the front, and
this report was not acceptable to us. So we held a council of
war, and its decision was that we storm the retreat. I think
there were two or three old pistols or revolvers in the crowd, and
none of them loaded. We had no trouble with the guard, for
they were on our side ; the guard easily passed, we got in. After

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 22/

we got in a big fellow made his appearance, told us we could
come so far on one table and no further. One of the fellows
showed him an old revolver and the big man got out of our way.
We ate all we wanted, then retired to look for a place to sleep.
We had fully decided to report that gentleman in charge of the
Retreat to the governor. We found quarters for the night in a
covered portion of the depot. Just at daybreak as I awoke I
heard commands, *Fall in.' The militia had arrived which had
been expected the evening before.... As they marched off we
could hear the officers calling, *left, left, left.'.... we found
water back of the depot, took a wash, and curled our hair, and
soon after that a messenger arrived inviting us back to the Re-
treat for breakfast. The old man apologized for his actions the
night before, said he was off, took out his jug, that softened
our hearts, and we forgave him his sins. It was a little after
breakfast when Colonel Glanz, Captain Stout and Dr. John
Kohler came to look for us, being very anxious about the regi-
ment. I told the Colonel it was too hot and dry to talk much.
He treated to the beer. The doctor had started out to look up a
hospital for us. My captain said to the colonel, 'there is only one
man here of my company, and I want to talk with him, and you
can have all the rest.' The Captain and I were seated at a table.
He went over the list of his men, inquiring after every one by
name. I reported either killed or wounded, as there were only
twelve left of the company after the battle. As I reported the
tears rolled down his cheeks. .. .the doctor returned with ar-
rangements, and we were placed in a hospital on Mulberry Street
... .If I remember right the regiment arrived in Harrisburg on
the 17th. The citizens of the town treated us to everything to
make us comfortable.

The day came to return home. Our first stop was at Reading.
Here we were met by a committee from Easton, and they pre-
sented each man of the regiment with a badge of honor contain-
ing the corps mark, the battles we had been in and the following
poem:

Northampton Welcomes Her Brave Sons

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 229

"We hail the hero's safe return,

To home and friends again;
And mourn with tears of sympathy

The gallant patriots slain."

The boys were in fine spirits. The Colors and our Brass Band
were on the roof of the car. Our next stop was Allentown Junc-
tion. I had informed Captain Stout that I lived six miles up the
valley from the Junction, that I could not walk it, and that I had
no money. He started through the car to see if he could find
twenty cents for my fare. He returned with the twenty cents
all in pennies. I told him from the looks of the change he must
have got all there was. He said he would not undertake to get
twenty cents more out of that crowd. I and some more got oflF at
the Junction, and by the time I got up to the Allentown station
there were about twenty to go up the Lehigh Valley Railroad.
They all expected to walk but myself ; for there was but twenty
cents in that crowd, and I had it. But we were fortunate. An
old man, I think his name was Laubach, learned of our misfor-
tune and bought tickets for all of us. I had been traveling two
months without any money in my pocket, and I did not feel safe

with twenty cents in the crowd I was in Our train came along

and we were soon at our destination. A coal train was passing
at the time we arrived, and being between other cars and the
station and the passenger train having to wait, I got out on the
platform of the car, and on the platform of the depot stood my
mother, sister and two brothers. They were expecting an uncle
of mine from New York city. They did not know me. The con-
ductor was helping me off the train, and in alighting my back was
turned to them, and my name was on my knapsack, — that was
enough. I cannot describe how glad they were to see me. They
never said a word about my running away, and going to the
army. It was the same with Captain Howell (To be con-
tinued)."

230 HISTORY OF THE 153D RKGT.

Captain Howard James Beeder, Co. G.*

This precocious, youthful officer was of fine presence, and
possessed of excellent military traits. His accomplishments were
of a high order, having been reared in a family of learning and
refinement — one of the most distinguished homes of our native
city. He had been commissioned a lieutenant of Company A,
1st Regiment, of the United States Infantry, on October, 1861,
being then but 18 years of age. On the organization of the 153d
in September, 1862, he was commissioned its adjutant, and on the
29th of January, 1863, was promoted to captain of Company G.
In both official relations he was a favorite with the regiment,
and served with great ardor and efficiency. His memory is
highly cherished by the regiment. He was wounded at the battle
of New Madrid, Mo., March 13, 1862. At the close of the war
he rose to positions of honor and trust. He was delegate to the
Republican National Conventions of 1872, 1876, 1880; Judge of
Court of Common Pleas, Third Judicial District of Pennsyl-
vania, 1881-1882 and 1884-1894; Judge of Superior Court of
Pennsylvania 1895 to date of his death, December 22, 1898.

Reminiscence of Lieutenant Jonathan Moorei Co. G*

**First I think of the home-leaving; the sad thoughts of separat-
ing from dear ones and the quietude and comforts of home, to
engage in the turmoil of war — for which I had no taste whatever.
Why did I with others, decide to enlist and join the 153d regi-
ment? It was in response to the call of my country in her
great struggle. That call was stronger than the ties which bind
us to our loved ones. We spent a few days in Easton, our county
seat, where we received our first military training. We were
then moved on to Harrisburg and quartered in Camp Curtin.
One of my most distinct recollections is that I was glad to get
away from the place, though it meant going to scenes of active
service. The sudden transition from home life to the camp life

♦Joseph Reimer resigned Jan. 28. 1863, and Adjutant Reedcr was
appointed Captain.

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 23 1

had a deleterious effect upon my health ; so that I felt that it was
very important that I get away. When we reached Baltimore my
health was much changed for the better. It was not long until
I could reHsh the soldiers' diet; even a piece of bacon scorched
over a hasty fire on the march. The boys had concluded that
Comrade Moore had gotten about as near the front as he would
ever get. My reply to them was, *Boys, if you keep up with me
from now on you will do well/ and my prediction proved quite
correct.

By the time our regiment passed Washington and reached
camp on Virginia soil the devastation of war had become real,
and some of the boys began to realize that entering the army was
not going on a picnic. They began to learn that privations were
a part of a soldier's life; and to think of the good things they
had left on leaving home. The cloudy water of this place did
not compare with the limpid streams of old Mt. Bethel's hill
sides, and the pure water which bubbles up from the base of the
Blue mountain in sight of their home. They missed the cakes
and pies of their mother's table. One of the boys was heard to
say, *Oh ! If I only could get home to get a drink out of our old
spring!' But they were told to be courageous, for we had en-
listed in a cause so good we could afford to undergo self-denial.
These Blue Mountain boys were as worthy in soldierly qualities
as the 'Green Mountain boys' of Revolutionary fame. From
close and constant relations with these men of my company dur-
ing the ten months we were together I can say they were men
that could be relied upon for the doing of faithful duties where-
ever called upon. When our regiment reached Alexandria we
were shown the building in which the young and gallant Colonel
Ellsworth was shot while descending the stairs from the roof
where he had replaced the national flag which had been pulled
down. The contemplation of the circumstances connected with
that event tended to stimulate patriotism in the boys and em-
bolden them to hasten on to the front. We reached the front
in due time, and from there thev had active and arduous duties.
They were conspicuous in the two battles — Chancellorsville and

232 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

Gettysburg, and in both these great conflicts they were entitled to
great credit for their soldierly conduct.

After the winter of '62 and '63, the spring gave indications of
active service all along our lines. The entire army of the Poto-
mac then lying on the north bank of the Rappahannock river was
then ordered to be in readiness for an aggressive movement, and
on the morning of the 27th of April, 1863. the advance began.
The army moved in three columns, crossing in different places.
General Hooker's plans for getting his army across the river
were well made and successfully accomplished. Having his forces
now just where he wanted them, and the positions and other
conditions so satisfactory, he was greatly elated and his address
to the men was the occasion of great enthusiasm all along the line.
How successful his plans were, remained to be told. At this time it
was confidently expected that by the movements then going on
all railway communications between General Lee and his base of
supplies would be severed. The Army of the Potomac was now
supposed to be in such a position that there was nothing to pre-
vent it moving successfully on the enemy. The bands played,
the men shouted and threw their hats in the air and we were
just then the boys who would have the honor of accomplishing
what had long been the motto : — *On to Richmond.' But Hooker
had evidently overlooked the fact that he had Stonewall Jackson
to deal with.

Leaving others to deal with this question, I will pass on to re-
late some items connected with our recent visit to those grounds,
which was made June 11, 1894. Arrived at Chancellorsville,
alighting from the carriage at a farm house, we entered the yards
and were immediately interested in the surroundings. In the
rear we readily recognized the open field where at the time of
the battle in the shades of night, before and after the midnight
hour, we were in a bedlamitish scene striving to gather together

the fragments of a scattered regiment of a broken corps which
had been driven by the surprise of an unexpected and sudden
massing of Jackson's troops on our weak and unprotected lines.
In viewing the ground over which we had fought, we came

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 233

to the monument of Stonewall Jackson. Nearby was a large
stone which marked the spot where he fell. Here I was deep-
ly interested, as all through those years since the event, I have
been impressed with the belief that I was near the spot at the
time when he fell, and now being more fully able to trace the spot,
the impression is confirmed. One of the inscriptions on the
monument is as follows: "Last words of Stonewall Jackson,
Lieut. General C. S. A. Xet us pass over the river and rest under
the shade of the trees.* ''

Our next search was for the location where the attack was first
made on our line, and the effort to find the place cost no little
trouble. Nothing seemingly had been done since the war to im-
prove the land here and in the surrounding country. The fields
are more grown with bushes and the woods are more dense. We
called at several little farm houses to make inquiry for the exact
spot. At length we came to an old farm house where the inmates
knew something which was of great interest to us. Here was
the headquarters of one of our division generals (Devens). The
inmates treated us with the kindest regards, knowing as we
told them we were Union soldiers. Here the kind lady opened
the cellar door and invited us down to see the place where
during the battle she, and twenty-four other women and chil-
dren, were huddled together for protection, all the able-bodied
men being out in the field of contest. From the information re-
ceived here we soon found our old brush defense, and the
critical spot where the 153d was posted. Will the men of our
regiment ever forget that balmy Saturday afternoon; will they
ever forget the blast of the enemy's bugles calling their forces
to advance; the horde of Grays coming down upon us like an
avalanche; when the enemy was pouring volleys into our ranks,
and the dense smoke which rose in our front and on our flanks,
and when we were unable to discover our relations to the
enemy in the low ground they occupied ; when suddenly turning
to look up to higher ground, we saw one of our officers directing
us to bring the men out at once from the place where if we had
remained a few moments more, all would have been taken prison-

234 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

ers? That memorable occasion will never be forgotten while
we live.

The question in which all are interested is how did our men
behave in that critical situation? For some time the regiment
was under a cloud of censure. The members, when asked what
part of the army they belonged to, were invariably answered, *0,
you were the fellows who run so well.' But we were never
much disturbed by such slurs. .. .having the conscious satisfac-
tion that our men did all that any body of men could have done
under like circumstances, and never took any pains to defend
ourselves. We simply let truth vindicate itself as it always does.
Let any one who is in doubt read our Brigadier General Gilsa's
address. Our last dav at the battle of Chancellorsville was to
US one of great suspense. On our arrival on the field, as pre-
viously stated, we were flushed with the prospect of success.
Later conditions had changed the spirit of our troops. There
were indications that we were not holding our own, notwith-
standing efforts to make the impression that we were. When
the night came on (and a chilly night it was) and we were
placed in line to be in readiness to move at a moment's signal,
we received strict orders that no man should speak a word;
none knowing whether to expect an attack or a retreat,
the suspense constantly increased. This condition of things con-
tinued until morning. Though 46 years have passed away since
that memorable night, there is not a surviving comrade who
was in that line that night, who has not \try distinct recollec-
tions of it. We well rememl)er how eagerly w^e watched the
head of the column when it moved to see what direction it was
taking. We soon found we were going toward the Rappahan-
nock. Our surprise was over. We were now hastily falling-
back to cross the river, which was then rapidly rising, and threat-
ening to impede our crossing. We were glad of our escape,
but our mortification was greater than our joy. To realize that
our Chancellorsville campaign had been a disaster instead of a
victory. Though those years have gone by, we well remember
many of the incidents which occurred on the way back to Brooks

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 235

Station. How well we recollect the wallowing through the Vir-
ginia mud, and seeing some of our comrades from weariness fall
helpless in the mire. The sight was truly pathetic ; words cannot
describe the feelings of sympathy we had for our exhausted men.

Our stay at the old camp was brief, but a few weeks, and was
taken up with drilling and preparation for further exercise, and
engagement with the enemy. Soon we got upon the march.
Lee's army was on one side of the Blue Mountain and we on
the other ; neither knowing where the converging point would be.
We knew we were going northward, and that meant homeward.
We traveled in the direction of home for weeks, but well knew
that we would again meet the enemy before meeting our friends.
The whole enlightened world knows to-day where that meeting
was — it was Gettysburg, the most memorable battlefield in the
annals of American histor)\ No true Union soldier who was a
participant on that occasion, and who did his duty, will need
blush to have it known that he was there.

And now as to how the regiment to which we belonged ac-
quitted itself in the two great battles, Chancellorsville and Gettys-
burg, the writer will simply refer the reader to General von
Gilsa's words in his farewell address to the regiment on the 14th
day of July, 1863, when the command was returned to be mus-
tered out.

It will be remembered that the 153d Regiment was in the First
Division of the Eleventh Corps, and on the day we reached the
battlefield of Gettysburg was marching left in front. Thus
bringing our regiment the first in the engagement. General
Barlow, commanding the division, was ordered to join imme-
diately on the right of Reynolds* Corps, whose forces were
hohiing the enemy in check as our division advanced. Before
this junction could be formed. General Early, in command of
one of Eweirs divisions, coming up hastily from York, inter-
cepted and prevented the junction. The enemy's force being so
much greater than ours, and the situation such that we were being
flanked, the command was given to fall back to a more favorable
position. In the short conflict that day with an army greatly

236 HISTORY OF THE IS3D REGT.

outnumbering our force, our division lost heavily. The writer
recollects when he was looking as we stood on an eminence, close
to where the monument of the regiment now stands, watching the
enemy emerge from the woods, and send a volley into our thin
ranks, our regiment forming little more than a good skirmish
line. Here one of Company G's favorite men fell close by my
side, also several others of the company were killed on the
right and left. One of the men received a bullet in one leg and
limping the best he could to keep up with the command, he
called for help and I assisted him to a place of more security.
This comrade still survives, and at one of our reunions of the
regiment exhibited the bullet, which he had carried in Lis limb
for seventeen years, before its removal.

Like all good soldiers I and my company encotmtered some
fierce domestic contests along the way on the march. The story
of the onion patch has gone the rounds with the boys; the
gravel-and-dirt-throwing-female in the protection of her gar-
den ; the interesting episode of the boys and the geese and
chickens ; meeting the Rebel private with arm in sling who said
he remembered our Corps badge, and that he had met us in
the Chancellorsville fight, all make interesting reminiscence.
Soon after the armv crossed the Potomac and entered the well-
tilled and productive parts of Maryland, we began to enjoy
scenery which was homelike. The fields were beautified by the
meadows and ripening grain. The cherry trees, of which there
were many along our road, were loaded with their glistening
fruit, and every object was in great contrast with the barren
country we had passed through in \'irginia. The story of the
boys in blue, who alighted upon the cherry trees like flocks of
birds, and the sudden disappearance of the luscious fruit, needs
no repeating here.

A few days more brought us to the battlefield of Gettysburg.

And now surviving comrades, it is forty-five years since we re-
ceived our honorable discharge from the great army of the
Rebellion. The discharge paper we hold as a great and valued
relic. Let us not forget we are still engaged in a great fight

J

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 23/

against all existing evils. While we are in the world let us be
valiant as in the former contest until the end which will soon
come to us all, and then receive our final discharge and receive
the great reward according to the promise, *Well done, good
and faithful ser\'ant/ "

(Comrade Lieutenant Moore submitted the above narrative
just a few months before his death. No man gave the historian
more encouragement. — Ed.)

Since Comrade Jonathan Moore had written the interesting
narrative and had sent it to the historian as a record of the regi-
ment, he has passed away. The following obituary notice ap»
peared in the Portland (Pa.) Enterprise, from which the writer
has taken extracts: ''Entered into rest, Mr. Jonathan Moore,
Thursday, February i8, 1909, at his residence in Mount Bethel.
.... He was one of the most noble and best men who ever lived
in Northampton county. . . .was born on the 27th of April, 1825,
in Orange County, N. Y. He was a teacher of the public schools
of the county. .. .conducted the Williamsburg Academy for 12
years. . . .had a wide reputation for scholarship and tact in teach-
ing, impressing as well his noble character upon his many pupils.

His war record appears as above indicated. At the close of the
war Mr. Moore entered business and was for many years the
agent of the D. L. & W. Railroad at Portland. He was also for
many years a director of the First National Bank of Bangor. He
was chaplain in the Grand Army Post of Portland for many
years.

His funeral services were held in the Mount Bethel Presby-
terian Church, with which he was honorably and usefully identi-
fied for many years."

238 HISTORY OF THE IS3D REGT.

Interesting Items by Rev. Stryker A. Wallace, Co. G.

**I was enrolled :.t Easton, Pa., in the summer of 1862, and
mustered into the service of the United States at Harrisburg
with the regiment, and mustered out at Harrisburg July 24, 1863.

Speaking of Chancellorsville, I carried Dr. Neff's instrument
case in and out of battle, — carried it out more rapidly than I
carried it in. I did it successfully, however, by making good use
of my legs. When the Johnnies came rushing in on our flank,
there was no time to be lost. I took Reuben Hess from the
field to the operating table, when the surgeon declared that
amputation was necessary. I witnessed the operation and took a
piece of the bone which was badly fractured and showed it to
Mr. Hess, and it satisfied him that operation was necessary. I
was a convoy to Major Freuhauflf, who was wounded, and
brought him across the Rappahannock river when we retreated
from the field. We crossed under the cover of darkness. The
camp fires of the enemy were burning all around us. We ar-
rived at the hospital early in the morning, but found every-
thing full. The major suggested that we lie down on the ground.
Xo sooner had we touched the ground than we fell asleep, worn
out. About 7 or 8 o'clock I felt the point of the major's elbow
in my side, when he said, Xook here.' I looked and the army
was passing by, banners flying and the troops in full retreat
for Falmouth and the old camp grounds. After we had crossed
on a pontoon, there was a high hill up which we climbed, and
looking back we liad a view of most of the army ; a grand sight it
was. It was approaching in three columns, each headed for
one of the three pontoon bridges. The serpentine movements of
the troops with their flying flags was a beautiful sight.

There were many incidents of the camp and march, some
amusing and some historical. Upon the resignation of Captain
Joseph Reimer, of Company G, Adjutant Howard J. Reeder
became captain of our company. I regret two things, first that
so many of the commanders are gone from us, and second that I
cannot meet and see those who remain. I would like ver}' much
to be with you at your reunion. I thank you for the invitation.

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 239

I shall be glad to hear from you again. I am cordially and
truly yours."

The above letter was addressed to the Secretary, N. H. Mack,
Subsequently the writer received the following from Comrade
Wallace :

Dear Mr. Kiefer: "So busy have I been that I have just
reached your letter and am so pressed now that I cannot give to
it the attention I would like. I think the regiment returned to a
position on Cemetery Hill after the first day's fight in which we
were defeated. General Howard took up position on Cemetery
Ridge, and the part of the line which fell to our regiment was on
Cemetery Hill, and behind the stone wall to shield the men from
the sharp-shooters stationed in and on the buildings in the town
of Gettysburg. The battery (of which you speak) was planted
on the rising ground just back of our regiment. We lay in
front of the battery.

Our men made good account of themselves in repulsing the
Louisiana Tigers, who were immediately in front of our regi-
ment. It was against them we were pitted. Our regiment was
to the right of the well, and of the Cemetery Gate, of which you
speak. Of all the men most capable, that I know of, to tell you
about these matters is Lieutenant Jonathan Moore. I will write
you about Comrade Hess later. I will be glad to help you all
I can."

240 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

The Story of Wm. Armstrong — By Rev. Stryker A. Wallace, Co. Q.

^'Tilings were quiet at Gettysburg after the contending lines
were well formed, succeeding the fighting of the first day. The
153d Regiment of Penna. \'olunteers was lying behind a stone wall
on Cemetery Hill for protection from the sharp-shooters in the
buildings in the town. In the meantime a Rebel headquarters
was established in a field in full view beyond and opposite our
lines. One of our batteries was stationed on the brow of the hill
just back of us. A staff, or, general officer, came riding along
and said to the captain of the battery, *Captain, can't you give
them a shot?' The captain following the suggestion, sighted a
piece and the first shot went in the door of the Rebel headquar-
ters. A Rebel battery responded and a duel succeeded between
the two batteries.

Wm. Armstrong, (commonly called Bill) a large, sturdy man,
accustomed to work on the railroad, from which and his Irish
ancestry, he had a powerful frame, stood up against the wall
leaning on his elbow watching the contest between the batteries.
A shell from the Rebel gun exploded over his head and a piece
of the shell about as large as the two front fingers, struck him
over the left eye, scooping out a hole in his forehead about an
inch and a half deep. Two of our men were ordered to carry
him to the rear; which they were doing when a general riding
by said to the men, 'don't you see that the man is dead?* They
laid him down. In the meantime the battle was raging all along
the line, the engagement having been brought on by the duel
between the batteries.

Wm. Armstrong lay for two days on the field, and was picked
up the third day by the ambulance corps, and taken to the
Eleventh Corps Hospital — to the barn used for the hospital,
but after being looked over by the surgeons, was ordered carried
out, as it was thought there was little or no hope for him. The
writer found him at the corner of the bam, with a big flat
stone for a pillow, his overcoat having been folded and placed
under his head. A blanket was thrown over him. But in the
meantime he had lost his coat out from under his head, and his

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 24I

blanket had slipped from him. Blood was running from the
wound and from his eyes and nose. His lips were so swollen
he could not speak. He was conscious, recognizing my voice,
and by prying open his mouth with a spoon I fed him some
soup. The first food he had taken since he entered the battle
four days before.

I went to the chief surgeon, told him of this man, that it had
been supposed he would die, but that he had not died, and that
he onght to have medical attention. He went out with me and
looked at him and said, *that is a very interesting case; he is a
big, strong fellow, he can pull through,' or words to that effect.
He sent an assistant surgeon to dress his wound. While the
poor fellow had been lying there, without food, drink or shelter,
it had rained, and the cavity in his head was half full of water
Dr. Neff afterwards said, that probably the rain had saved his
life, as it kept down inflammation. I asked the Chief Surgeon
what I should do with the man. He replied, *Put him wherever
you can.' That meant a great deal or it meant nothing, as every
place was full. I got a stretcher and another soldier, and seeing
a large tent going up about one hundred yards away, I remarked
to my comrade, that I suppose is a regimental tent, but the

surgeon says we shall put him wherever we can. We will
take him right in and lay him down. He is too badly hurt for
them to throw him out. If they protest we will tell our orders.
And so we did, there being a sort of protest, but the condition
of the patient and the order of the surgeon prevailed. In this
way poor Bill Armstrong found a temporary' resting place, and
needed attention, till he could be removed to the general hospital.

He was restored to his family with a hole in his head and the
loss of an eye, but otherwise as hale and hearty as ever. When I
afterwards saw him in Pennsylvania he suddenly grabbed me
and drew me to his bosom and lifted me clear off my feet for
joy. He recognized that I had probably saved his life, and wai
grateful for the service to him/'

16

242 HISTORY OF THE 153D REGT.

Comrade Hess, Company 0, By S. A. Wallace.

"Comrade Hess was struck by a minie ball above the knee.
The ball went straight through, carrying the bone away with
it, or splitting the bone as it crashed through it. He was lying
in a little tent opposite and apparently unconcerned, and without
pain. When I found him I said, *\Vell, you must go to the
hospital, to the operating table, to have your wound examined.'
We had hoped the ball had gone around the bone, but it looked
bad. The holes were opposite each other. He was afraid to go
to the table for fear the surgeon would take off his leg, perhaps
unnecessarily, so he wanted me to speak to the surgeon about it.
I cheerfully assented to do so. The doctor gave me the most
hearty assurance that he would do no wrong to the patient. After
placing the man under chloroform he ran his little finger into
the wound and taking a pair of pincers from his vest pocket he
pulled out a splintered bone several inches long, showing that
the bone was badly fractured, and in fact carried clear away.
I took a long piece of the bone and showed it to Mr. Hess to
show him that the amputation of the limb was an absolute neces-
sity. He seemed to be satisfied. He recovered from the opera-
tion and returned to his home.

There was another of the Hess boys who was also wounded in
the leg. but which proved to be only a flesh wound. The doctor
cut the ball out, Young Hess pluckily refusing to take chloro-
form. The operation took place in the little tent which he
occupied. I witnessed this operation. I think the names of
these comrades were Reuben and Abraham, but cannot tell with
any degree of certainty."

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 243

Theodore Hester, Co. G.

Comrade Hester was a drummer boy and was an interesting
chum, a fine specimen of the young men who enlisted from Mt.
Bethel. He relates the following: "Winfield S. Snyder and
I were the musicians of Company G. The regiment assembled
in Easton September 22, when transportation was made ready for
Harrisburg, where we encamped until we went to Wash-
ington, D. C, and encamped on Arlington Heights after which
we were removed to the camp we named Camp Glanz, in honor
of our colonel. Our next move was by boat to Alexandria, on
the shore of the Potomac. We spent the winter at Brooks Station,
and about the last of April marched to the battleground of
Chancellorsville, where our regiment became engaged in its first
battle. The fight commenced on Saturday, May 2, our regiment
being posted on the extreme right of the line of the Eleventh
Corps. The enemy having become aware of weak points of our
army, made a circuit and completely enveloped our line. In those
days I was an expert runner, and I was not long deciding what
disposition to make of my 'worldly goods,* but left them all be-
hind and made my way through the dense thickets, escaping
with my life. There was but one point of the compass which
suggested personal safety,, and that was due north. The next day
was Sunday. I continued to use my athletic abilities until I
reached the Rappahannock river. Here I stopped long enough
to take account of stock, and investigate the surroundings. I
finally concluded to go back and see how many of the boys of
Company G I could find. I followed the line of breastworks of
the different regiments and finally came where they were, and
they were glad to see me. I missed a few comrades of the com-
pany and learned of personal friends who were killed at the
opening of the battle, among them were Peter Kunsman and
Jacob Rambel. Henry Dunbar told me that he assisted one of
them to lean against a tree, others were captured. I crossed with
the band of an Ohio regiment. On arrival at Falmouth I took a
train for Brooks Station. I reported at headquarters and was
assigned to hospital duties in charge of Wards Nos. 29 and 30,
with 12 to 14 wounded in each ward. We were subsequently

244 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

transported to Washington, D. C. Among the patients I attended
and brought with me to Washington were Samuel Carlton and
John Holmes, of a Massachusetts regiment. Our retun^ to Har-
risburg for the muster-out and the reception in Easton were joy-
ful events. The memory of our meeting with friends at home
will ever abide."

Captain Geo. H. Young, Co. H.

The Captain occupied a conspicuous place in both battles and
was wounded on the first day at Gettysburg. He was a fine
type of soldier and commanded his Company with great ac-
ceptability. His experience in the engagement of Chancellors-
ville, and the terrible sufferings on account of his wound at
Gettysburg would make an interesting chapter. He still re-
sides in the city, enjoying the well earned honors of his military
and civil life.

Lieutenant Wm. H. Crawford, (M. D.) Co. I.

•
"In the evening of the first day I had charge of a detail of

men before the cannon. We remained in this position protected
as well as we could during all night of the first day and until
the evening of the second day. Up to the time of the charge
by the Louisiana Tigers on the evening of the 2d, we were asso-
ciated with a skirmish detail of the 33d Massachusetts. After
the charge was made and the enemy repulsed we followed them
down to the stone fence and lane. Here we remained on these
low grounds until the 4th day."

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 245

Letter of Lieut. Reuben J. StotZj Co. L

"Camp near Brook's Station, Va., June 2, 1863.

Dear Sister : — Having a few leisure moments I thought I would address
a short letter to you. You may perhaps think that I have forgotten you,
but if you do I hope you will be convinced that it is not so. I had com-
menced a letter for you a short time ago, but was too lazy to finish it.
I hope you will forgive me. I am, thank God. in good health and spirits,
hoping this will find you in the same state. We have to drill every day,
the weather is very hot and we have to go it double-quick, which as you
can imagine, makes us sweat very much. The balance of the time we
spend in lying in our tents. Soldier life is a very lazy life in summer
time and I am getting a little tired of it, and should be glad if we were
taken out of this stinking Virginia. Tomorrow we will move our camp.
The general issued orders that we had to remove our camps every 10 days,
the object being to prevent sickness as much as possible. I think it a very
good plan, although I think it unnecessary for us, for we have a very
healthy place. I don't like to leave it to exchange for another. It is
the most beautiful camping ground I have yet seen in these diggings. We
expect to return to our homes the beginning of next month. Won't that
be a joyous time for us, if permitted to do so? I saw in the papers that
the people of Xorthampton are making preparation for our reception.

Our company's health is very good, only one being sick at present, viz..
Jeremiah Resh, who has typhoid fever. He is. however, rapidly recover-
ing. There are two in the general hospital, and as far as I can find out,
are doing well. Two prisoners who were taken in the battle of Chancel-
lorsville were paroled and arc in Convalescent Camp, near Alexandria, Va
One, I think, is still on the other side of the river. The Rebs retained him
to attend to our wounded. He may, however, have been paroled since and
sent up to our camp. I had the good luck to come out without a scratch. I
did not think it possible that a man could get out of such a place un-
hurt, the way the balls whizzed around our heads. Our regiment was
posted at the extreme right of the line, and was the first attacked, and
that by an overwhelming force. After giving the Rebs five volleys we
were ordered, by our commanding officers, to retreat. Our boys stood
remarkably well (and as the brigade general said) gave the enemy a
parting volley which they did not expect. The Eleventh Corps is censured
very much, but I know that some regiments fought bravely, and no blame

246 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

should be put on such. Our army is lying quiet and there is no indica-
tion of any forward movement, nor attack from the enemy. You can get
more information through the papers than I can give you. If God grants
me the privilege to return and spend a few days with you we will have a
long conversation, which will be of more satisfaction than writing. Give
my love to Jacob and the children, and keep a share for yourself. Wish-
ing you health and happiness in abundance, I remain as ever your affec-
tionate brother, REUBEN."

Recollections of Lewis B. Clewellj Co. I.

"Three members of Company I, James Engle, George Fritz
and myself, were captured at Chancellorsville on the evening of
May 2, 1863. We, in company with a large number of prisoners
from the 153d and other commands, were taken to Jackson's
headquarters, where we spent the night in an old shed (or, as
many as could get in, the rest outside). On Sunday morning.
May 3d, we marched about two miles from the battlefield, where
we were halted, drawn up in line, and the able or stronger-
looking men were detailed to go with the ambulances and pick up
the wounded. Those selected for this work were not sent to
Libby. Comrade Fritz of Company I was one of the number
detailed. He afterward stated that many of the wounded were
found on the field still living on the second and third days
after the battle, and that many were supposed to have been
burned to death in the high grass which was burning.

The sights and odors sickened him at first, but soon got used
to it. We continued our march, arriving at Spottsylvania Court
House, where we spent the night. May the 4th we marched to
Guinea's Station. Up to this time no rations had been dealt out
to us. I had about three days' rations in my haversack, and while
it lasted I divided with the less fortunate comrades. While here
the Rebs rolled in a number of barrels of wdieat flour, from which
we were allowed to help ourselves. The prospect of making a
meal of raw flour, w^ithout salt or water, was not very cheering,

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 247

but as is said, 'necessity is the mother of invention/ We set our
Yankee wits to work and in a few minutes were drawing water.
This we did by digging small holes in the sand, into which the
water would filter. Then dipping it out with our tin cups, we
added sufficient flour to make a stiff batter, pressing it into flat
cakes with our hands and placing them on the end of sharpened
sticks, we held them near the fire until baked. The rest was easy.
Prisoners were added to our number daily. May 7th we marched
to near Milford Station, camping for the night. May 8th we con-
tinued our march, arriving in the evening at Hanover Station,
where we spent the night, and had very good crackers dealt out
to us, which were not so hard as our hard-tack.

During the evening we were calling for one of our men, Jacob
Senseman, a member of our Regimental Band. The Rebel officer
in command of the guard, hearing the name called, approached
us. asked if we v»ere calling Senseman. We said yes. He then
asked us where he was from. We replied from Nazareth, Pa.
He said, *I would like to see him. I was a student at Nazareth
Hall and was well acquainted in Nazareth.' He made inquiry
about many of his old acquaintances and was friendly, allowing
us to communicate with the guard, who treated us very kindly.
May 9th, arriving at Richmond, we were placed in Libby prison,
second floor. The officers occupied the first floor. Our colonel,
Charles Glanz, being one of the first floor occupants. We found
a knot hole in the floor, through which we passed messages on
slips of paper. The room assigned to us was in charge of a de-
serter from the Union army and he was the worst man we had
thus far to deal with. Our prison fare was two meals a day,
and for the first time good soft bread was served, for the sec-
ond, poor weak bean soup. The water came in through pipes
from the James River, was muddy after a shower. Troughs
running around two sides of the room, flushed with the waste
water from the pipe were used for all closet purposes. The filthy
water from the trough in the room above us leaked through into
our apartments and was very offensive, and in these days would
be considered quite unsanitar}'. The Richmond Inquirer was

-248 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

irought to the outside of the door, and by our first shoving 20
•cents of our currency (shin-plasters) through under the door, a
copy of the paper would be served us in like manner. On one
occasion a back number was passed in, in exchange for my 20
cents. May 13th, on leaving Libby for City Point, we were
supplied with cakes, by Rebel women and children, at 25 cents
each, such as we could get at home for 2 cents apiece. Marched
to City Point in a heavy rain, and dried our clothes by the fire.
May 14th took steamer for Annapolis, Md., arriving May i6th ;
encamped until May 20. when we left for 'Convalescent Camp'
at Alexandria, remaining there until July 8th, when we were sent
to Harrisburg, which was our abiding place until mustered out
with the regiment.

LEWIS B. CLEWELL.''

Corporal, Co. I, 153d Regt. Pa. Vols., Bethlehem, Pa.

Capt. Isaac LaRue Johnson, Co. K.

Grand Royal Arch Chapter. District of Columbia. Office of the Grand
High Priest. Washington. D. C, January 10, 1900.

"To the Constituent Chapter of this Grand Chapter, and all to whom
these presents may come : Agam are we reminded of the solemn fact
that *it is appointed unto all men once to die.* Isaac LaRue Johnson, Past
Grand High Priest, passed the vails which interpose between this earthly
tabernacle and the Holy of Holies above, at his residence in this city on
Thursday. December 2S. 1899. M- H. Companion Johnson was born in
Warren County, X. J.. October 16. 1837. He came to this city when a
youth, was graduated at Columbia College, studied law, and w^as admitted
to practice in the Courts of the District.

In 1862 he was commissioned a captain in the One Hundred and Fifty-
third Regiment, Pennsylvania Infantry, and served with his regiment in
the Army of the Potomac. Resigning on February 11, 1863, he returned
to Washington and re-engaged in the practice of law. in which he soon
gained a highly honorable reputation. His great work in his profession
was to make complete copies of all titles from the records of the office

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 249

of Records of Deeds, and the documents thus prepared were the founda-
tion of the first Real Estate Title Insurance Company in the District.
He was interred with Masonic honors at Oak Hill Cemetery on Sunday,
December 31, 1899. The Grand Lodge performing the burial service, and
the several bodies of which he was a member being represented in the
cortege which followed his remains to their last resting place.

\VM. BARXUM, Grand High Priest,
A. W. JOHNSON, Grand Secretary."

Letter from Lieut. Laurence Dutott, Co. E.

"Camp near Brooks Station, May 13, 1863.

Dear Elizabeth : 1 hope you have received all my former letters .

Now I must tell you more of the battle. The Rebs attacked us on the 26.
of May. We stood until they came within twenty-live feet of us. when we
were compelled to fall back. They kept up a steady fire of shot and
musketry, having us in a cross fire. The bullets came as thick as hail.
We were driven back more than a mile, when our noble battery opened
on them. How glad I was when I heard our battery cutting them. I was
almost played out, for want of water. That was on Saturday. I slept
on the field quietly. Sunday morning they came on again, but they fell
like flics. At the same time we lost a great many good fellows. Peter
Sandt was killed in Saturday's light. Jeremiah Flory was missing the
same day. You would not know the rest if I were to tell you their names.
One from Ottsville was killed the same day. Last Sunday our chaplain
preached a sermon in honor of our dead. We feel lost without our
colonel. The last we saw of him he was standing against a tree supposed
to be wounded. The tears were rolling down his face when he said. *My
God, what has become of my regiment?' He thought we were all cut up. I
think we all lament our good commander's fate. May God help him to re-
turn. Our lieutenant colonel is here but is wounded and is unfit for
<luty. All our field officers are wounded, and three line officers, but I am

safe M) far. thank God All the officers lost their baggage. One of the

mules was shot. The one that had mine on, and all my baggage is in
the hands of the Rebs. I bought a new blanket.

From your husband.
LIEUT. LAURENCE DUTOTT.

We just heard from Colonel Glan7. He is in Richmond, a prisoner."

250 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

Lewis Fraanfelder, Co. K.

While on a visit describing the spot where the 153d stood
during the assault, Comrade Fraunfelder said; "Here behind
this very wall is where we lay. These cannon just behind us
and all these guns as you see them here occupied the same posi-
tion. This stone fence furnished all the protection we had, as
we fired over it. So far as I can judge there is no change in
the location or shape of the rows of stone. About in this loca-
tion I remember crouching. The cannonading was very severe
all about us. The men assembled on Cemetery Hill on the even-
ing of the 1st day numbered about 60. It required considerable
time for the reorganization of the scattered men, but which was
effected by the subordinate officers, greatly assisted by the Brig-
adier General von Gilsa. I was with a detachment of 20 men
sent out as skirmishers. We were sent out across the wall and
foot walls below the hill into an open field. Here we were
under the fire of the sharp-shooters who occupied the houses
on the outskirts of the town. It was here on this skirmish
line where I was wounded on the 2d day."

Letter from John Rush, Co. K.

''My Dear Comrade Mack :

Your circular letter dated October 6th came to me a few
days ago and indeed I was glad to get even a circular letter
from one of my old comrades. This is the first line that I have
ever received from any member of the 153d. But I had no
reason to expect to hear from any of them as I was an entire
stranger to every one in the regiment and when we were mus-
tered out went back to my home in Xew Jersey where I was
living when the war broke out, but, my parents refusing their
consent to mv enlistment, I went over to Easton and went to
work on the Lehigh Valley Railroad, and when the 153d was
being made up stole a march on my parents and enlisted in
Company K of that regiment.

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 2$!

I was bom in Ireland on the first day of May, 1844. My
parents came to this country (bringing me with them) and
landed in Boston on the first day of May, 1847, when I was just
three years old.

My experience in the Army was so ordinary as not to be
worth taking up space in history, but in answer to your ques-

tions will relate some of my experience to be used or not just
as you like.

I was wounded in the left arm at Gettysburg, and, after
lowering and raising niy arm to see if the bone was broken and
finding that it was not, I finished loading my rifle bill when I
attempted to raise my arm to fire found that it was so weak
that I could not raise it, — a minie ball having passed nine
inches through the muscles of the arm and shoulder.

252 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

When I found myself useless and helpless I started to go to
the rear but had only gotten a few steps from the line when
another minie ball struck my right shoulder cutting my collar
bone almost entirely away. Although that was forty-five years
ago I have never since been free from pain in that shoulder.

As our whole line was falling back I was hailed by a brave
young lieutenant, I don't know his name or to what regiment he
belonged, but he tried to rally the boys, that were falling back,
and make a stand, and when I told him that I was wounded in
both shoulders he told me to break my gun so that the enemy
would not get it and when I told him that I could not and
that it was loaded, he took my gim and I held my cartridge box
open with one hand and my cap pouch open with the other, and
we both stood at a gate, he loading and firing my g^n, till I
was made a prisoner and he had a narrow escape. I don't
know what became of him, but I wish I could see him for he
was made of sterling stuff.

I was taken into a large brick house, I think it was the
almshouse, but the place was full of wounded and the late
comer had to wait till some poor fellows died before he could
get a bed.

My wounds had bled quite freely, but I had some use of my
right arm. and when I was put on a bed I could manage to
l)our water from a pitcher on my own wounds when lying on
my back, while others were worse off than myself.

There was one i)(X)r fellow, an Irishman, who was very
severely wounded in the head, who wanted to get out of his
bed and let me have it saying that he had no right there as he
came there as an enemy. I, of course, refused to let him get
out of bed but later on when I did get a cot he became delirious
and was alx:)ut to fall out of bed, and I jumping up suddenly
ran to sit on the side of his bed to keep him in. That started
my own wounds to bleeding afresh and as I was too weak to
walk and the enemy having more wounded of their own than
they could take care of, thev left me alone, and on the fourth of

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 253

July I was hauled off to the field hospital in the heaviest rain
since Noah's Flood, and spent that night on the seat of an
ambulance. Captain Oerter, of Co. C, and some one else that
I don't know, occupied the bed of the ambulance. The next
day I was taken to a tent and my blouse and shirt cut down the
front and back and taken off me to prevent irritation and in that
undress uniform, trousers and shoes, was taken to Baltimore
where my wounds were first dressed.

The train that I traveled on was made up of freight and
stock cars which caused some dissatisfaction, but everybody has
learned since then that railroads were not equipped to meet such
emergencies on short notice. But I was greatly favored by
falling into the hands of dear Miss Anna Dix who took me into
a passenger coach attached to the train; for the accommodation
of officers, and kept me in the seat with herself, as I had lost
considerable blood and rations were short I guess I looked rather
pale. Miss Dix had no rations but she ordered a doctor — and
her orders were obeyed — to give me some brandy. No one
but a mother could have cared for me so tenderly as Miss Dix
did and when I heard of her death I felt her loss as one of the
greatest sorrows of my life.

When we arrived in Philadelphia I felt at home among my
own people as I had many relatives living there and indeed
everybody was made to feel at home in that beautiful city of
loveable people where I was taken to the Union Volunteer Re-
freshment Saloon and hospital. Here I got a square meal,
had my wounds dressed again, got another clean shirt — the one
given me at Baltimore was taken off — those shirts were made
in sections and tied on with ta|>e, I was then sent to Girard
Hospital. Indeed I could not retrace my steps for I can't re-
member all the places that I got a night's lodging but finally
landed in Easton and was mustered out with the regiment. I
had lived in Easton some time in the fifties. Was there when
the cholera was very bad.

I remember that our regiment met with a royal welcome

254 HISTORY OF THE IS3D REGT.

from the good people of that City. They g^ve us a fine dinner
at the Fair Grounds where beautiful girls waited on the tables,
and I personally was very hospitably entertained at the home
of a Mrs. Fleming, whose beautiful and patriotic daughter
Amanda, seeing my almost helpless condition with both arms
in slings, took me to her home and treated me like a brother.

Time cannot blot out the sweet memories of the tender
sympathy shown to a stranger in a time of distress and all
these years I have prayed that God would bless the Fleming
family.

When in the Army I was young and inexperienced, and was a
great trial to my Captain, Isaac Buzzard, whom I secretly loved
as a brave and upright Christian gentleman.

When I was mustered out I had $26 to live on and clothe
myself for six months while my wounds were healing up, I
managed to keep covered by buying cheap material and making
my own clothes but had no need to tell any one that I made
them.

After I got able to work I tried to re-enlist but was rejected
twice, then went in the Construction Corps in Virginia; but
wanted to get back in the ranks and tried again, but was again
rejected. Then through the influence of the Honorable Philip
Johnson M. C, from Easton, got into the Commissary Depart-
ment as Citizen Soldier at $50 per month and boarded and lived
at a hotel, but got restless and went to Trenton where I was
accepted in a way that looked very much like gjaft, being
wounded as well as being an alien (was exempt from military
service) the examining surgeon and mustering officer tried to
run me. in as a substitute, and when I refused to go as a
substitute for any one, they told me that I would get
eleven hundred dollars if I went as a substitute for their
man, and when I told them that there was not enough money
in the State of New Jersey to hire me as a substitute they
ordered me out. Then I told the Captain that he might be
called upon to explain why I was not as well fitted to serve as

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES 255

a volunteer recruit as I was to serve as a substitute for some
able-bodied man, he turned as white as this paper, cursed me,
and said, that if I wanted to go and get killed and miss that
eleven hundred dollar bounty that he would muster me in and I
"light go and get killed. So I was mustered in as a volunteer
recruit in Co. C, 2d New Jersey Cavalry (I had a school chum
in that Company), but as that regiment was in Sherman's Army
it had left Chattanooga before I got there. I was then sent back
to Nashville and put into a camp of detached cavalry under
command of Lieutenant Colonel Minor, Captain Wilson and
Lieutenant Keeler, all of the 7th Ohio Cavalry. If we were
in that section of the county now and behaved as we did then we
would be called 'Night Riders;* as we made most of our ex-
cursions at night, going out by twos, tens, twenties or more
according to the g^me we were after.

At the close of the war I came west to Illinois, and for a
time boarded with a Mrs. Liab Clark in the Town of Charles-
ton, a former home of Abraham Lincoln. Lincoln's famous
Log Cabin was just out of Charleston and Mrs. Clark was the
daughter of Dennis Hanks whom I knew very well.

I railroaded for a time in Illinois and Michigan. In the
Spring of 1877 I came to the coast and spent my first year run-
ning a steamboat on Puget Sound when I was sent for to come
here to run a steamboat on San Francisco Bay, where I re-
mained for five years.

I am now engaged in the jewelry business. I was not over-
looked by ihe big fire and as I stood in the bread line and cooked
in the street and saw the refugees carrying their worldly pos-
sessions on their backs it reminded me of camp life, but I hope
to be spared another such a reminder.

I am a member of George H. Thomas Post G. A. R. of this
Department. I know Lieutenant Colonel Edward S. Soloman of
the 45th New York, ist Brigade, 3d Division, Eleventh Corps.
He is a Past Dept. Commander of this Department. In discuss-

256 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

ing the battle of Gettysburg with him one time he said 'the 153d
fought like devils.*'"

Brief Narratives by fhe Boys.

Peter Kridler, Company A, says he spent from 4 p. m. of the
first day till the next evening on skirmish duty in the Gettysburg"
engagement ; during this time he fired 65 rounds of cartridges.
He landed on top of Cemetery Hill about dusk on the second day.

Tilghman Rhoads, Company A, wounded at Gettysburg; was
a monumental worker by trade, had the great honor of setting
the marker at the foot of the stone fence indicating the skirmish
line of the regiment. Comrade Rhoads also testifies that when
he retired from the Rebel flank at Chancellorsville, he saw the
stacked guns of the 41st Regiment, and the men gone. George
Hirst, Company F, in the Chancellorsville battle, took his gun
from the stack, fired, and retired, but found the regiment behind
the 153d gone.

Reuben S. Vogel, Company D, was on von Gilsa's staff, but by
request of Colonel Glanz, joined the band. Jacob R. Senseman,
a member of the band, was taken prisoner at Chancellorsville.
Peter Sandt (\Vm. P. ), Company E, was killed in line of battle
at Chancellorsville. (He is among the "Unknown"). Comrade
Vogel says: On the slope of Cemetery Hill he saw many dead
whose pockets had been turned wrong side out. This was a com-
mon sight after a battle. Ernest Bender, Company H, assisted in
the slashing of the trees of the barricade in front of the regiment
on the Chancellorsville battle ground. General von Gilsa was
present and told the men how to cut the timber. As Bender was
hit by a falling tree Gilsa told him to quit. Sidney J. (M.)
Miller rode one of Colonel Glanz's horses away at the opening
of the battle and at the time of the retreat. Gilsa rode the other
horse.* Colonel Glanz was captured near the Tally House. He
was a very fleshy man, and wore high topped boots which reach-
ed to his thigh. It was impossible for him to run, and whoever

*Gilsa's horse had fallen and injured the General.

NARRATIVES OF THE COMRADES ^57

could not take his own part, in that performance, at that time,
was captured. Colonel Dachrodt was wounded in the arm. Philip
Halpin was killed near Barlow's Knoll, in the extreme front posi-
tion our regiment had taken at Gettysburg. Peter Kridler says a
comrade saw where i8 bodies were buried in one grave at that
spot. These bodies, with all that could be located elsewhere over
the field were taken up in the month of October and buried in the
National grounds, where all bodies that could not be identified
were placed in tiers of the plot marked, ** Unknown." Companies
A and B went on the skirmish line on first entering the field at
Gettysburg. Kridler further says, he heard Gilsa say as he rode
along the line through the town, **By order of General Schurz I
take command of my brigade." Gilsa was very popular with
the boys, and Barlow had placed him under arrest (for not obey-
ing some order of detachment). The men of the brigade shouted
lustily as the General (Gilsa) rode by them to enter the field to
be again at the head of his command.

George Siegfried, Company D, residing at Bath, was a mem-
ber of Company D. He reports having fired four times before
the regiment was ordered to retire before Jackson's attack. It
was a moment of great excitement. On his turning back he saw
the guns of the 41st still on stack and the men gone. An inci-
dent of amusing nature occurred as related by George. It was
on this wise: The men were out of rations upon an occasion,
and he gave $20 to two comrades and sent them out to look for
bread. They came back with one loaf, for which they paid
fifty cents, but returned only $7.50 change, and the balance they
could not account for. After the regiment returned home Wire-
bach paid back six dollars, and about one year afterwards,
Houser met his friend Siegfried and said to him, **Here is the
$6 I have owed you for a year. We had spent your change in a
little outing of our own." Asa K. Mcllhaney, the public school
principal of Bath, has taken a great interest in everything per-
taining to the regiment, and rendered the historian considerable
assistance. F. L. Fatzinger, Esq.. of Bath, also assisted the
writer by introductions to comrades from whom valuable items

were received.
17

-258 HISTORY OF THE 153D «EGT.

John Ribble was one of the first men wounded in front of the
line at the opening of the battle at Chancellorsville. He was re-
;moved in a wagon and taken to the rear.

Thomas Qniniij Co. D.

"I was wounded in first day's fight at Chancellorsville, and
laid in woods over night. Was taken prisoner next morning
by the 5th N. C. Regt., Confederate ; was taken to Libby prison
about three weeks; was paroled and taken to Convalescent
Camp, Alexandria, Va., was exchanged and after battle of
Gettysburg was discharged. Enlisted as private, was promoted
to Corporal and then to 3d Sergeant. Was with regiment
\whole time except while in prison.

Members of the 153d Band.

Eugene Walter, Leader; Jas. C. Beitel, A; Jos. E. Seiple;
Lewis H. Abel, A; Wm. H. Clewell, A; Henry C. Leibfried,
A ; C. Edwin Michael, A ; Chas. Schuman, F ; Wm. H. Burcaw, F ;
Jacob Senseman, A ; Reuben S. V^ogel. D ; Stephen D. Hirst, H ;
Henry Medemack; Henry Nolf, Co. D; John Bruce, G.

Thoughts on Memorial Day.

Memorial Day is crowded with tender memories. The new-
made grave of our sleeping Comrade is yet before our bowed
spirit. More than 500,000 brave warriors were laid to rest in the
storm of that dark day. The dead we mourn were our Com-
rades in arms, in blue. They have bivouaced under "those low
green tents whose curtains never outward swing." Their dust
is watched by the night sentinels — ^the silent stars which pace
their solemn rounds in the midnight sky. We pay them a sol-
diers' honor while we place flowers — the emblems of hope — on
their graves. Thus also we reconsecrate ourselves to those high

THOUGHTS ON MEMORIAL DAY 259

principles for which, with them, we fought and for which they
have given the full measure of patriotic devotion with their
lives. Go back in memory to those dark and stirring days.
They seem as but yesterday, the weird dream of a night. Now
again before our eyes they are unveiled and appalling. The
excitements of those war times. How fresh the sad scenes!
Sad men everywhere! The mechanic laid down his tools on
the bench before him. The husbandman his implements of sow-
ing and reaping, walked to the fence to learn tidings of the far
off field of the contending armies. The plow was left athwart
the furrow. The horse is ridden to the village gjeen, to the
enlisting room in the excitement of the drum beats and under the
Nation's flag. "To arms" cannot be longer unheeded. The
love of home is strong; but the love of country prevails. The
final day has come, the parting from loved ones, amid sobs and
farewells the long trains bear away the father, the son, the
brother, the friend. The grief of that sad parting was only ex-
ceeded by the joy of the return of the loved ones. The lives
laid upon the altar of their country! How precious to know
that the fallen ones are wrapped in their country's flag! That
though some were not recognized as to Regimental relations;
yet they sleep in the shadow of the same National monument
which commemorates the known dead.*

*Of the forty-seven killed, and deaths from wounds, at Gettysburg, seven
repose in the National Cemetery (at Gettysburg), while many of them
are there asleep with the unknown.

260 HISTORY OF THE I53D BEGT.

A True Patriot's Moanment.
Hiram Pearson, Company D, has erected a beautiful monu-
ment in Greenwood Cemetery, Howertown. It is one of the
most attractive memorials of its kind in eastern Pennsylvania,
and is the only one erected at private expense in either Lehigh

or Xorthanipton Comities. This, is a very important reason
(aside from the fact that it shows the patriotism of our people)
why wc shuuJd add this beaiitifid monumental shaft to our illus-
trative department of the history of our gallant soldiers.
The dimensions of the monmnent are 26 feet and six inches

IN MEMORIAM 261

high, and six and a half feet wide at the base. The crowning
figure is that of a full sized soldier in the position of parade
rest. The adornment and engravement of the shaft are: The
Eleventh Army Corps Crescent, G. A. R. emblems and the war
record of Mr. Pearson. He was in both battles in which the
153d participated, — Chancellorsville and Gettysburg — and was
severely wounded in the latter. The work on the shaft is of
best design, and the position in the Cemetery commanding,
being visible for a long distance. It will ever perpetuate the
memory of the generous veteran and stand in commemoration
of the noble regiment and its heroic sacrifices for the preserva-
tion of our beloved country.

In Memoriam.

We commemorate the bravery, worthiness, patriotism, fame
and moral elevation of our fallen comrades. We proudly bedeck
the sacred places of their sleeping dust with flowers as emblems
of remembrance. The Pantheon, in Rome, is a temple dedicated
to all the gods of the pagans, the Santa Marie Rotondo is the
only ancient edifice in Rome preserved perfectly. It was lighted
through an aperture in the dome. It was built by Agrippa
twenty-seven years before the Christian era.

On the plains of Marathon 11,000 Greeks put to flight 100,000
Persians and drove them to the sea. They that day saved Europe
from the threatening horde of Asia before whom had fallen
Egypt, Babylon, Armenia and Syria. On Marathon the despots*
mad rush was stayed. Here the dauntless Greek gave to the
world an example of patriotism before unknown. Byron said
in verse:

262 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

"The flying Meade, his shaftless broken bow;

The fiery Greek, his red pursuing spear;
Mountains above, earths, ocean*s plain below;

Death in the front, destruction in the rear,

Such was the scene."

On that noted field the grateful Greeks erected an artificial
earth mound the sole monumental design to mark the spot where
their brave men fell.

The dead of our Union army lie buried in a grander Pantheon
than the Greeks across the seas. History will forever hold them
dear. The faces of our deceased victorious comrades are not
yet obliterated from the tablet of our memory.

The Pantheon, the temple of Trajan, Westminster Abby hold
the dust of many brave and glorious men, but what more famous
monuments of valorous deeds than these:

The "Broken Rock/' the "Splintered Tree," the "Wheat
Field/* "Spangler's Spring/' the "Clump of Umbrella Trees/'
"Round Top/' "Little Round Top/' "Bloody Angle," "Devil's
Den/' "Seminary Ridge," ** Barlows KnolV and *' Cemetery
Rid (/€.'' The National Cemetery at Gettysburg, where lie 1000
of our brave "Unknown/' and where many of the dead of the
153d repose.

The poet has said :

"They lie where they fighting fell,

In alien groves, but slumber well;

Xo sister or wife to weep.

There strew with flowers the silent grave:

Of those who d?e(l their native land to save.

And more and more as swift years come and go,

Of those who mourned for these will slumber low.

But in far time to come when all are gone.

Will still the memory of our dead live on."

ADDRESS OF UEUT. J. CLYDE MILLAR 263

Address of Lieutenant J. Clyde Millar. At Dedication of
Monument of 153d Regiment on Barlow's KnoU.

"To be called upon at a moment's notice to group into words
suitable and fully grasp the idea of the single sentence to
honor brave men dead, to me is an impossibility; and yet, we
are told history repeats itself; a true saying, is it not? for this
day marks a closing act in a drama beheld in the lifetime of
many present — that of war on the one side, peace, glorious
peace, repeating itself, on the other. We see congregated here
to-day upon this historical field a vast multitude assembled from
the North as \vell as the South; but under what different aus-
pices from the one that gathered here one-fourth century ago.
To-day the hum of voices in glad greetings are heard ; the clasp-
ing of hands in one common brotherhood seen; the mingling
together beneath the folds of a starry flag, each and every one
saying that for America there can be but one God, one country
and one flag. Then for a few moments of time to turn back
the leaves of memory and see what can be read thereon. Again
we see two armies, antagonistic one to the other, two columns
of men rapidly marching parallel with each other towards a
centering point. When and where that inevitable meeting was
to be none for a time knew. At last one man, the one-armed
Howard, declared that here, within these encircling hills, should
be the arena wherein should be enacted one of the greatest
gigantic struggles of warfare known to the civilized world. Ere
the sun had reached its meridian on that first day of July, 1863,
there was a hush, a stillness in the very atmosphere surrounding^
us. War-worn veterans knew full well that it was but the lull,
the forerunner of the tempest yet to come. Brave hearts trembled
or waxed strong in the awful presence of the coming storm ;
the steady tramp of marching men ended: the rumbling roll of
cannon wheels ceased ; the bugle call silent ; knapsacks were
unslung ; bayonets fixed : the command of forward awaited ; at
last the guns of brave Reynolds rang out on that mid-summer*
day : the die was cast ; the battle on. Soon the sullen boom of
the cannon's roar was heard, the unearthly shriek of the flying

264 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

shell, the bugle's blast, the hoarse command, the volley's crash.
I looked and beheld lying over yonder, touched by the icy hand
of death, the form of one who had once been a mother's pride;
there, stark and still, lay a fond father's hope ; here the husband
of a loving wife: yonder a young girl's choice.

Again I see this regiment, 600 strong,* with an undaunted
front, charging that flaming line of almost certain death. When
brave Beaver, Howell, Yeager. Meyers, with hundreds more,
went down beneath that leaden hail, still onward they swept out
of the shimmering light into that dark death-dealing cloud, ever
and anon amidst this murky scene could be seen the floating
banners of this charging host, the red-like stripes cut from a
crimson cloud, the white-like stripes from the morning's mist;
the blue, a field of azure sky, within which, like balls of fire at
a white heat, blazed and twinkled the diamond stars ; wave after
wave, billow after billow, of southern rebellion, rolled up, but
broke on that bulwark of northern unionism, that with its glitter-
ing wall of bayonets and thundering tones said, thus far, but no
farther : strewn the valley, dotted the hills with wounded, d3ring and
dead, slumbering on yonder hillside heroes who solved with their
own existence the problem of a nation's life ; sleeping on yonder
hillside in their windowless palaces of rest, thousands upon
thousands of brave unknown ones who said the star of Ameri-
can liberty should not go down in the darkness of midnight
gloom, but should hence forth glisten and shine as a beacon
light for millions living, as well as for unborn millions yet to
come.

Then consecrate this monument to their memory dear. Time
may crumble its beautiful outlines: storms beat upon its rocky
sides, but giiard well thy trust, oh, thou Silent Bugler one!
Call not back our loved ones gone, but watch over with a sol-
dier's care yon voiceless city of our beloved dead— dead, but
not forgotten. 'Tis but a question of time, the rising and set-
ting of a few more suns, when we too will cross over that river,
where war drums never throb or battle flags unfurl.

*The number present in this battle cannot be actually ascertained.

DEDICATION OF MONUMENT I53D REGIMENT INFANTRY 265

Hush thy rustling wings, oh ang^el band;

Halt! thou mystic soldier host;

Hold ! thou countless millions, hold !

Time in silent awe is lost.

See! with noiseless tread they come, with hallowed light they shine.

Tis the mighty chieftains, Grant and Meade.

Hark! Hear their last command comes ringing down the line;

Spirit soldiers freed,

See your living comrades now, as all brave soldiers should.

Clasp hands in one grand brotherhood.

Henceforth they march forevermore

As one great mighty army corps

Through all Eternity;

No North, no South, no East, no West,

But aH fraternity.

When death sounds taps for bivouac dead.

The pontoon bridges all are laid

Across yon shoreless sea.

Then closed en masse, that silent band in waiting stand,

With no one now to lead ;

It matters not, they'll meet us there.

Our old commanders. Grant and Meade."

Dedication of Monument 153d Regiment Infantry. Address

of Lieutenant William Beldelman.

''Comrades of the late One Hundred and Fifty-tltird Regiment : —

As we recall the scenes enacted on this spot a little more than
twenty-six years ago, wc are overcome by the emotions that
struggle within us. It is here that you met in desperate en-
counter the then foe who sought the destruction of the American
Union. As we stand on this elevated spot, to be ever known
as Barlow's Knoll, in honor of the gallant and distinguished
officer who commanded our Division, and who was so desper-
ately wounded here, our minds recall the terrible drama per-
formed here a little more than a quarter of a century ago.

266 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

Our fancy again paints the lurid scenes of this great and
memorable battlefield. Looking across yonder fields now wrapt
in peaceful embrace, we can imagine General Gordon's command
of brave Georgians advancing upon us in g^and but terrible
battle array. In fancy I see their serried columns marching
grandly on, their burnished guns glistening in the sun of that
awful July day, and then that dreadful charge, the desperate
struggle on the banks of the peaceful stream at our feet, the
carnival of death, our comrades falling all around us, and finally
the repulse of our brave boys ; all these are things to which our
memories recur this day. This very spot drenched in the
patriotic blood of our dead comrades; let us pause and drop a
tear or two in honor of their memory. There are some people
who ask us to forget these scenes. But I say let those who
remained behind enjoying the calm repose of peaceful homes
while you went forth to do battle, and if need be die for your
country, forget them, but you cannot. The heroism, the deeds
of valor and the blood poured out on both sides by the blue and
the gray, protest in trumpet tones against burying these recol-
lections. There is no human inspiration that can, or will ever
awaken greater pride in our bosom than the fact that you
fought at Gettysburg. It is on this field that the tide of the
great rebellion was turned which kept on ebbing until the Union
and free government on this continent were again made secure
by the surrender at Appomattox.

This beautiful monument which we dedicate this day, will,
as the years roll on, tell the story of what you did here, and
it will serve to keep green the memories of those of our com-
rades that fell here. And when we are no longer, and the
last one of us shall be gathered with the Grand Army beyond
the grave, and none of us are left to talk about Gettysburg,
this marble shaft will remain to tell the story.

THE BEAUTIFUL MONUMENT IN THE COUNTY SEAT 26/

The Hap of the Battlefield.

The vast field covers 25 square miles, every part of which
is shown on the map except the Cavalry Battlefield, which lies
3 miles east of the town. The picture shows the ground as it
now appears with the Government improvements of roads dedi-
cated to the Generals who had armies in the respective locali-
ties. North of the town in a westerly direction we find Buford
Avenue. About in this region the battle began.

Soldicra- MonumcDl In Baiton, Pa.

The Beaotlfol Honament In the Conaty Seat.

No more enduring commemoration of Northampton's

great regiment — the 153d — has been shown by the citizens of

268 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

the County than by the erection of the elegant shaft which
graces the public square of the City of Easton and was dedicated
to the grateful memory of all her soldiers.
ist Regiment (3 months).

Company A, Capt. Jas. L. Selfridge.
Company B, Capt. Jacob Dachrodt.
Company C, Capt. Wm. H. Armstrong.
Company D, Capt. Charles H. Heckman.
Company H, Capt. Ferdinand \V. Bell.

9th Regiment (3 months).

Company G, Capt. Richard A. Graeffe.

41st Regiment — 12th Reserves — (3 years).
Company E, Capt. John I. Horn.

46th Regiment (3 years).

Company C, Capt. Owen A. Luckenbach.

47th Regiment (3 years).

Company A, Capt. Richard A. Graeffe.
Company C, Capt. Charles H. Yard.

51st Regiment (3 years).

Company B, Capt. Ferdinand \V. Bell.
Company K, Capt. John E. Titus.

S9th Regiment — 2d Cavalry — (3 years).

Company H, Capt. Xalbro Frazier, Jr.

64th Regiment — 4th Cavalry (3 years).

Company A, Capt. Edward Tombler.

67th Regiment (3 years).

Company H, Capt. Lynford Trock.

io8th Regiment — nth Cavalry (3 years).

Company H, Capt. Samuel Wetherill.

113th Regiment — 12th Cavalry (3 years).
Company D, Capt. David Schortz.

THE BEAUTIFUI, MONUMENT IN THE COUNTY SEAT 269

I29tb Regiment (9 months)

Company C, Capt. Jonathan K. Taylor.
Company D, Capt. Herbert Thomas.
Company F, Capt. David Eckar.
Company K, Capt. John Stonebach.

153d Regiment (9 months).

Company A, Capt. Owen Rice.
Company B, Capt. Joseph A. Frey.
Company C, Capt. Henry J. Oerter.
Company D, Capt. Theodore H. Howell.
Company E, Capt. John P. Ricker.
Company F, Capt. Lucius Q. Stout.
Company G, Capt. Joseph Reimer.
Company H, Capt. George H. Young.
Company I, Capt. Joseph S. Meyers.
Company K, Capt. Isaac L. Johnson.

174th Regiment Militia (9 months).

Company B, Capt. Freeman J. Geissingcr.
Company H, Capt. Zachariah D. Morris.
Company I, Capt. Stephen Williamson.

202d Regiment (i year).

Company F, Capt. Amandus J. Laubach.

214th Regiment (i year). •

Company H, Capt. Edward Kelly.

215th Regiment (i year).

Company G, Capt. John O. liillheimcr.

5th X'okmteer Militia of 1862.

Company A, Capt. Win. l>. Scmplc.
Company I>, Capt. Wm. Kellogg.
Company E, Capt. George Finlcy.
Company I, Capt. Thomas W. Lyim.

27th Volunteer Militia of 1863.

Company D, Capt. Joseph Oliver.

270 HISTORY OF THE I53D REGT.

34th Volunteer Militia of 1863.

Company D, Capt. Franklin C. Stout.

38th Volunteer Militia of 1863.

Company C, Capt. Joseph P. Cotton.
Company D, Capt Wm. H. Thompson.
Company E, Capt. Edward Kelley.
Company F, Capt. Thomas L. McKeen.
Company G, Capt. William Otto.
Company H, Capt. Christian Kroehle.
Company K, Capt Aug^istus F. Heller.

46th Volunteer Militia of 1863.

Company C, Capt. Henry B. Huff.

Battery C, 5th U. S. Artillery — Capt. Truman Seymour, was
entirely recruited from Northampton County.

In addition to the above Northampton County was largely
represented in the 19th Penna. Cavalry ; 3d New Jersey Cavalry ;
Spencer Miller's Battery ; and less numerously in other organiza-
tions.

The Roster of the 153d Regiment.

The Roster which is embodied in the History of the Command
is probably the most perfect Roll of army members found in
the archives of the State. It has cost our indefatigable secre-
tary, Comrade N. H. Mack, several years of the most pains-
taking labor, and has involved an incredible amount of cor-
respondence to gain the information respecting the members.
In very many instances he received no replies from comrades,
yet the large percentage of favorable replies has greatly facili-
tated his work.

It may be of interest to the Comrades to say that Mr. Mack
is advised by the Adjutant General of the State that no correc-
tions have been reported to the Harrisburg office, relative to
the soldiers of our regiment since the war. In view of this
the present corrected rolls will be greatly increased in value
through the labor of our worthy secretary.

THE HISTORIAN.

ROSTER

of the

ONE HUNDRED AND FIFTY-THIRD REGIMENT.

PENNSYLVANIA VOLUNTEERS.

Corrected to May 20. 1909.

This Roster has been compiled from all available sources,
such as original Company Rolls, Simmers and Bachschmid's
-Ten Months with the 1531! Reg't Pa. Vols./' "History of
Pennsylvania \'oluntcers" by Samuel P. Bates. Personal in-
terviews and correspondence with surviving Officers and Men
of the regiment, corresix)ndence with Superintendents of the
National Cemeteries at Gettysburg and Fredericksburg, and by
the courtesy of the Uureau of Pensions, Washington, D. C.

At this late day it is impossible to compile a Roster without
some errors, as so few of the comrades are able to give positive
information. Our Records at the War Department at Wash-
ington have by the Adjutant General been declared very defective
in consequence of our having been discharged so soon after
the battle of Gettysburg.

The compiler asks the kind indulgence of the comrades, and
submits this Roster as being as nearly reliable as can be made
at this late day.

In compliance with the requirements of the State authorities
all corrections have been made in parentheses.

XEWTON H. MACK.
Secretary of the Regimental Association^

286

HISTORY OF THE I53D RECT.

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